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• Political Strategy for Antisatellite Weaponry

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  This paper analyzes and develops a political strategy for United States (US) antisatellite (ASAT) weapon programs. Currently, the US has no fielded capability to negate enemy satellites. The Russians have demonstrated and fielded a capability, but it has numerous operational constraints which keep it from being a strategically threatening weapon. Domestic support for ASAT weapons is weak at best. A revised political strategy for ASAT weapons is required to deal with the new US political conditions and world order. Specifically, this paper: provides background on the geography of space and a definition of ASATs and their uses; examines the national requirements for ASAT weaponry; discusses relevant ASAT policy issues; assesses the domestic political situation for ASATs; and presents options for the future of US ASAT programs.

  Industrial College of the Armed Forces (U.S.)

  Rohlman, William H.

  1993
• Openness: A Viable Strategy for U.S. Intelligence?

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  Robert M. Gates, Director of Central Intelligence, in recognition of the dramatic changes going on in the world and the need for course corrections announced a new strategy for American intelligence in February 1992. A significant aspect of this strategy was the announcement of greater openness for the CIA. Better accountability to the American people, both directly and through the Congress, was the intended purpose. The author agrees that it is difficult to argue with Mr. Gates' position that the intelligence community must make changes. In this research report, the author explains the initiatives undertaken to achieve openness; evaluates how well these initiatives are likely to achieve the intended outcome; examines the likely benefits of openness, evaluate openness as a strategy; and suggests other actions that may be taken by the intelligence community to achieve accountability.

  Industrial College of the Armed Forces (U.S.)

  Moore, Bill R.

  1993
• Promoting Environmental Security for National and Business Interests

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  This paper establishes an integrated framework for coordinating and leveraging US government resources in the environmental security area. Its premise is that although a number of activities are on-going in the environmental security area, these are not being done in a cohesive, integrated and comprehensive manner that makes efficient use of limited, and dwindling federal resources. Further, this framework incorporates the private sector as a partner in national security resourcing and implementation activities that incorporate the environment. The private sector could be key in trying to fill the funding gap that exists to satisfy environmental security needs worldwide. In 1995, the global market for environmental technologies, products and services was estimated at $427 billion; this is expected to increase to over $500 billion in 2000. At this time, although the US is the lead producer of environmental technologies, we currently export only about 6% of our total output. Where the global environmental market includes environmental concerns and needs that affect US security interests, an "environmental security market" is created. The framework presumed in this paper provides a feasible, affordable approach to penetrate this market. The approach taken to develop the framework for a public-private sector partnership involves: establishing the linkages between national security and the environment; identifying existing policy measures and programs by the federal government and others that support national environmental security objectives; and incorporating this information into a framework that provides a mechanism allowing government and market forces to work together to meet environmental security demands.

  Industrial College of the Armed Forces (U.S.)

  Siegel, Steven B.

  1997
• Reconstitution of Nuclear Weapons Production Capability: Should We Maintain the Separation Between Civilian and Military Assets?

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  The U.S. separates its military and civilian nuclear complexes to the maximum extent possible as a matter of national policy but at considerable cost, in dollars and flexibility. This paper reexamines the need to maintain that separation, particularly for contingencies. It discusses the possible need for reconstituting a nuclear force and the ability of the civilian industry to provide technical support. It formulates and evaluates--technically, politically and economically--a number of options for meeting a reconstitution requirement. The paper concludes that the civilian sector has no ready capability to support a reconstitution requirement. It recommends several steps for the Department of Energy to take to insure a reconstitution capability and at the same time foster some civilian objectives.

  Industrial College of the Armed Forces (U.S.)

  Burkart, Alex R.

  1993
• Strategic Implications of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)

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  "In this new era of global economic competition, success will come for those nations that have strategic economic vision and a national will to compete. A nation with strategic vision has goals and a comprehensive plan to achieve those goals. A nation with a strong national will has the ability to adapt to change and to accept short term sacrifice for long term gain. The alternatives can be dramatic. As we have seen in the demise of the Soviet Union, a centrally controlled economy is relatively inflexible and has limited ability to compete in the world market. The lack of economic strength was a large, contributing factor in the collapse of that nation. In the United States, the idea that national (and military) strength is closely linked to economic strength is well accepted. As President Eisenhower noted in 1953, "The relationship between military and economic strength is intimate and indivisible." The United States actively seeks economic growth through world trade and is a leader in promoting free trade. One of the most progressive arrangements achieved in recent years has been the pending North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) with Canada and Mexico. NAFTA is a wide ranging economic treaty that may have extensive long term political and national security impact. This paper will explore the overall strategic security implications of NAFTA."

  Industrial College of the Armed Forces (U.S.)

  Busch, Daniel E.

  1993
• Role of the U.S. Government in Industrial Espionage

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  You can always find an article in the newspaper about military or political espionage, but only recently have we seen literature on other countries stealing our economic secrets. The fact is that they've been doing it for thousands of years - not just enemies, but allies as well. What if someone claimed that the American economy loses over $50 billion each year due to economic espionage by other nations. We must develop and implement intelligence policy to protect America's jobs and economy, while maintaining a delicate balance between government and business.

  Industrial College of the Armed Forces (U.S.)

  Stewart, Phillip

  1994
• Doctrine for Joint Urban Operations

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  "This publication addresses the planning and conduct of joint urban operations and explains how they differ from other operations. It focuses on the operational level of war and addresses issues across the range of military operations. It provides doctrinal guidance focused on capabilities and tasks that are unique to, or significantly challenged by, the urban environment at the operational level of warfighting. It does not attempt to replace or reiterate doctrine in overlapping areas; instead, it examines the special considerations required when conducting operations in the complex modern urban environment. This document introduces the nature and challenges of military operations in urban areas; discusses the fundamentals for planning and conducting joint urban operations (JUOs); describes tasks and considerations for JUOs; and discusses the special considerations of noncombatants and infrastructure."

  United States. Joint Chiefs of Staff

  2002-09-16
• Joint Tactics, Techniques, and Procedures for Antiterrorism

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  "This publication sets forth the tactics, techniques, and procedures governing the joint conduct of US antiterrorism operations. It provides a basis for understanding US national policy and general objectives relating to antiterrorism and explains important Department of Defense and US Government agency command and control relationships. In addition, it outlines basic US military antiterrorism capabilities and provides commanders with guidance on how to organize, plan, and train for the employment of US forces in interagency and multinational antiterrorism operations. This document discusses US national policy and general objectives; explains important Department of Defense (DoD) and US government agency command and control relationships; outlines basic US military antiterrorism capabilities; provides guidance for the employment of US forces in antiterrorism operations; explains legal considerations affecting the implementation of successful programs; and describes sources of intelligence and counterintelligence."

  United States. Joint Chiefs of Staff

  1998-03-17
• Doctrine for Joint Theater Missile Defense

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  "This publication provides doctrine for the integration of theater missile defense capabilities to support execution of the joint force commander's operation order or campaign plan. The focus is to protect against theater missile attack through an appropriate integrated and coordinated mix of mutually supporting measures of passive defense, active defense, and attack operations with supporting command, control, communications, computers, and intelligence. This document addresses the operational environment and the threat; establishes responsibilities and command relationships; addresses the multinational operations responsibilities and organizational considerations; provides planning and preparation factors and considerations; discusses the transition to joint theater missile defense operations; and presents and discusses four mutually supporting operational elements for a successful defense."

  United States. Joint Chiefs of Staff

  1996-02-22
• JTTP for Joint Suppression of Enemy Defenses (J-SEAD)

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  "This publication focuses on the responsibilities and procedures for joint suppression of enemy air defenses (J-SEAD). This publication defines J-SEAD and describes J-SEAD planning, coordination, and command and control responsibilities. This document discusses the concepts for joint suppression of enemy air defenses (J-SEAD); provides guidance on command and control relationships during J-SEAD; and discusses concepts for planning and executing J-SEAD operations."

  United States. Joint Chiefs of Staff

  1995-07-25
• Addressing America's Domestic Security Holes: A Blueprint for the New Homeland Security Department

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  The following report grades the federal government's efforts to protect the nation's key infrastructure areas. It examines efforts to protect America's airports, rail system, sea ports, water supply and public health system and evaluates our nation's ability to forestall and respond to attacks using nuclear, bio-chemical and more traditional destructive materials. Most importantly, it lays out an agenda for what the new Department of Homeland Security needs to do over the next six months to improve and enhance emergency preparedness

  United States. Department of Homeland Security

  2002
• Perfect Storm: How Convergence of Shortages in the Three Major Energy Markets Could Threaten the American Economy

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  Each of the three major energy markets (petroleum, natural gas and electricity) faces a crunch of significantly increased demand and potentially dramatically higher prices over the next ten years. Taken together, these crunches could yield a profound crisis for the US economy. With little or no growth in production, the nation could see a 171% spike in its energy costs in ten years, with household energy costs skyrocketing from $1,338 in 1997 to $3,626 in 2010. A comprehensive, bipartisan approach - one which decreases demand, improves distribution, and increases domestic supply - is urgently needed to break congressional deadlock and head off a full-blown energy crisis.

  United States. Congress. Senate

  Schumer, Charles E.; Collins, Susan, 1952-

  2002
• Patriot's Progress: September 11 and Freedom in America

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  Anything can happen. It was the lesson of September 11. Where were you on September 11? More to the point, where were you on September 10? The sudden movements of life, like those of the free mind, remain out of our control. Patriotism itself in the free country is out of control--anger, grief, sympathy, mutual appreciation, criticism, self-doubt, amusement, swerving to dreaminess, and individual independence. What can happen to a nation can happen to a state of mind, particularly in a country that is created out of a state of mind. If we were learning anything so far, it was that freedom was more difficult and complicated than we had ever dreamed. Where were we in our own country? Where were we in relation to the rest of the world? We do not like to think about the rest of the world very much. Big business likes to think of the world as customers. But for the rest of us, the great wide world has merely become the place where floods and earthquakes happen far away, especially since Russia has transmogrified from menace to (sort of) friend. If we had been more aware of the Muslim world, people told us, we could have anticipated September 11, if not prevented it. If we were more aware of our enemies in the world, we were told, we could raise them from poverty and from their ignorance about us--how wonderful we are, when you get to know us, how decent, fair-minded, how playful. In sum, our alertness to the conditions and attitudes of the wider world probably did nothing to draw us closer to it--except, in the most watery wishful thinking. America, we concluded, and rightly in my view, did nothing to deserve the murderous attacks on our people. If education would help in the future, by all means, let's all get educated. But that was a separable matter from the mad decisions of zealots. We are sure that we mean something worthwhile to ourselves and to others, that we have good reasons to survive and to triumph, and we will look for more.

  United States. Department of State

  Rosenblatt, Roger

  2002-09
• Hope Is an Answer: An Interview with George Carpenter, Procter and Gamble, and Dr. Robert K. Pelant, Heifer International

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  The United States policy toward development assistance is based on the belief that poverty provides a breeding ground for disease and deprivation, and potentially for crime, corruption, and terrorism. The terrorist attacks of September 11 reaffirmed this conviction, and donors-- government, private, and corporate--are pursuing their goals to bring hope and opportunity to the world's poorest people with renewed vigor. Two experts involved in private sector assistance and sustainable development activities discussed the evolving views in this field with Global Issues Managing Editor Charlene Porter. Dr. Robert K. Pelant is director of the Asia/South Pacific Programs for the non-profit organization Heifer International, devoted to helping hungry people in the world develop the resources to feed themselves. George Carpenter is director of Corporate Sustainable Development for the Procter & Gamble Corporation, and is actively involved in the corporation's multinational assistance programs focused on environment, health, and social issues in developing countries.

  United States. Department of State

  Porter, Charlene

  2002-09
• Economic Cost of Terrorism

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  Osama bin Laden announced in a video taped sometime late in 2001 that the September 11 attacks "struck deep at the heart of America's economy." Fortunately he was wrong. The U.S. economy was scraped and bruised on that terrible day, but it is clear that the heart of the American economy is still beating strongly. The U.S. economy has proven to be highly resilient. Despite an estimated $120 billion of damage and a great deal of anxiety, one year after the attacks the U.S. is in the midst of an economic recovery. There are three reasons for the resilience of the U.S. economy. First, the Federal Reserve cut interest rates three times in the wake of the attacks after cutting rates eight times in the eight months preceding them. Second, in May 2001, President Bush signed into law the first tax cut since 1986 and the Congress passed a stimulus bill, which included business tax cuts, in early 2002. Finally, and most importantly, productivity continued to grow throughout the U.S. recession. One of the greatest tests of the strength in underlying productivity trends is the performance in those trends during economic downturns and external shocks to the economy. Clearly, the U.S. productivity performance during the 2001 recession and following the September 11 attacks was spectacular. Capitalism is more than buildings and airplanes. It is embodied in the institutions and individuals of a society. While terrorists murdered a great deal of financial talent in their evil and cowardly acts on September 11, U.S. institutions and the vast majority of its creative talent remain intact. The end result was a quick reversal of economic fortunes. From one month to the next, Americans stopped and reflected, became resolved about fighting back, and then returned to work as the most productive citizens in the world. Osama bin Laden missed his mark.

  United States. Department of State

  Wesbury, Brian S.

  2002-09
• Resilience and Renewal at the Pentagon

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  Arlington, Virginia--On September 11, 2001, terrorists hijacked an American civilian airliner using it to attack what Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld rightly calls America's symbol of "military might." In a terrifying instant, three of the Pentagon's five concentric rings of corridors were penetrated by a plane-turned-missile flying at 560 kilometers-per-hour delivering tons of explosive jet fuel that would turn reinforced concrete into mush. One year later, what seemed the nearly impossible has been accomplished at the Pentagon. Construction workers hauled away 45,000 metric tons of debris and devoted an equivalent of 3 million hours to do what some said, at first, could not be accomplished: return Department of Defense (DOD) employees to their formerly demolished office space by September 11, 2002. But there is still one startling reminder of the fury of the attack. A single rectangular block of charred, pockmarked, cracked limestone from the damaged structure stands out from its new surroundings as a stark reminder of the recent past. Inscribed simply "September 11, 2001," it is located near the jet's point of impact and covers a dedication capsule put in place on June 11 by Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz to mark completion of the outside of the building. The bronze capsule is dedicated to the victims and contains items identified for inclusion by families of the victims, construction workers, and Defense Department management "as a testament to the strength and resolve" of Americans. The contents include lists of the names of those killed in the attack on the Pentagon, and the 46,000 people who wrote to express thanks to those who suffered from the attack, as well as badges from police and fire crews who aided in the rescue effort. Perhaps those who are still grappling--in many different ways--with what happened beside the Potomac River last year should bear in mind the words of the secretary of defense: "from the ashes, hope springs."

  United States. Department of State

  Porth, Jacquelyn S.

  2002-09
• Critical Balance: Individual Rights and National Security in Uncertain Times

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  Among the many effects of the terrorist attacks on the United States on September 11 has been a vigorous debate about certain civil liberties. Should suspected terrorists be treated differently from other suspects in court? Should the activities and whereabouts of noncitizens in the United States be regulated more strictly? Should we begin to require national identity cards? Several of these issues have gone beyond the stage of discussion, as suspected terrorists have been detained and brought to trial and as new legislation is passed and old legislation reinterpreted to permit stricter scrutiny of communications and financial transactions. Issues and concerns include: the government's actions under the United States Patriot Act; the government's aggressive use of laws that currently exist to detain in prison possible terrorists and those suspected of aiding them or of having useful information about them; and trials against suspected terrorists.

  United States. Department of State

  Blitz, Mark

  2002-09
• National Drug Control Strategy: FY 2001 Budget Summary (February 2000)

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  The FY 2001 National Drug Control Budget supports the five goals and thirty-one objectives of the National Drug Control Strategy and is structured to make progress toward the targets outlined in the Performance Measures of Effectiveness (PME) system. In total, funding recommended for FY 2001 is $19.2 billion, an increase of $760 million over the FY 2000 level of $18.5 billion, which includes proposed supplemental funding of $954 million to support Plan Colombia and drug control activities in the Andean region. A summary of drug-control spending for FY 1998 through FY 2001 is presented in Figure 1.

  United States. White House Office

  2000-02
• Maritime Trade & Transportation 99

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  The U.S. water transportation industry serves the needs of both international and domestic commerce. It comprises companies that carry freight or passengers on the open seas or inland waterways as well as companies that offer lighterage and towing services, operate canals and terminals, charter vessels, handle cargo, and build and repair ships. A variety of public agencies at all levels of government affect the water transportation industry, including port authorities, state departments of transportation, and national and international regulatory bodies. This report describes major trends in the 1990s that affect the commercial water transportation industry, which provides vital freight and passenger travel services in international and domestic markets and port and cargo-handling services. It also describes the role and performance of the U.S. shipbuilding and repair industry and discusses the water transportation industry's contribution to the U.S. economy. Considerable attention is devoted to maritime safety and environmental goals of the U.S. Department of Transportation (DOT) and its lead agency in these areas, the U.S. Coast Guard (USCG). In addition, the critical roles of the U.S. maritime industry and certain DOT programs, particularly those of the Maritime Administration (MARAD) in meeting our national security requirements, are explored in chapter 5. Advances in navigation technology and relevant cooperative research programs are described in chapter 6. Reflecting the axiom that good analysis requires good data, the final chapter highlights relevant data issues.

  United States. Coast Guard

  1999
• Missile Defenses and New Approaches to Deterrence

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  In a speech at the National Defense University on May 1, 2001, President Bush stated that "deterrence can no longer be based solely on the threat of nuclear retaliation." He called for "new concepts of deterrence that rely on both offensive and defensive forces." These new concepts of deterrence should help underwrite a comprehensive strategy for combating the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missile technology. Such a strategy will require the following components: maintaining and improving core alliance relations, and reassuring friends that we are committed to ensuring a stable international order and that our security interests are inseparable from their own; resolving challenges, rather than postponing them in a way that delays but makes even more dangerous the threats we will face in the future; recasting our foreign policy to better integrate all sources of influence available to us; and dissuading adversaries from undertaking hostile courses of action while retaining the capability to defeat aggression. To be effective, our strategy must encompass a broad range of policies and programs, including proactive nonproliferation and threat-reduction efforts, counterproliferation measures, and effective response capabilities to mitigate the consequences of the use of weapons of mass destruction (WMD). One essential ingredient for the success of this strategy is reshaping our military doctrine and capabilities to be responsive to contemporary and emerging threats. This will require the transformation of our deterrence posture. The strategic concepts and military forces of the past are ill-suited to counter the more pressing elements of today's threats. As a result, it is imperative to manage the transition to a more stable security environment by changing the way we think about and practice deterrence. We must redesign deterrence to be proactive rather than reactive. Deterrence of new threats requires new and different concepts and capabilities. The Department of Defense's recently completed Nuclear Posture Review is an important step in this direction. It lays the foundation for a diversified approach to deterrence that incorporates both conventional offensive strike capabilities and missile defenses, thus reducing our reliance on nuclear weapons.

  United States. Department of State

  Kartchner, Kerry M., 1956-

  2002-07
• Nuclear Offensive Arms Reductions: Past and Present

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  The process of implementing arms control agreements that reduce nuclear arms has been complicated, especially with the backdrop of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the rise of the new states that took its place. Future historians will debate whether the increased openness regarding the implementation of both START and INF contributed to a more general easing of relations between the United States and the former Soviet Union. The Moscow Treaty is not just a new treaty, but a new kind of treaty. Reflecting the mutual trust and cooperation in the new U.S.-Russian strategic relationship, the Moscow Treaty affords a great deal of flexibility to each Party to meet unforeseen future contingencies. It is simple -- just five articles and 485 words, barely two pages long, with no annexes or protocols, as opposed to the 47 pages and 19 articles of START, with its hundreds of pages of annexes and protocols. It gives each side the flexibility to carry out reductions, for example, by removing warheads from bomber bases and missiles, or by removing missiles, launchers, and bombers from operational service. In contrast, START mandated precise "counting rules" that force -- sometimes unrealistically -- over- and under-counting of actual weapons in the name of strict parity and unambiguous accounting. The flexibility provided by the new treaty allows each side to determine how to make its own reductions.

  United States. Department of State

  Davis, Richard A., 1942-

  2002-07
• U.S. Approaches to Nonproliferation

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  Denying proliferators WMD technology and expertise is "a central framing element" of U.S. nonproliferation policy, says Assistant Secretary of State for Nonproliferation John Wolf. He sees the key U.S. challenges as: reducing and ceasing WMD materials production; stopping Iran's acquisition of WMD and missiles; stopping nuclear and missile proliferation in and from South Asia; strengthening export controls, especially on Iraq; and strengthening the International Atomic Energy Agency. Our first priority has to be security against WMD and missile use, development, deployment, and export.

  United States. Department of State

  Wolf, John S.

  2002-07
• Speaking to Our Silent Allies: Public Diplomacy and U.S. Foreign Policy

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  "The updated National Security Strategy proceeds from an understanding that the power of the United States is immense and unprecedented, but it also wisely notes that we cannot achieve all of our goals by acting alone," says U.S. Representative Henry J. Hyde, chairman of the House International Relations Committee. "We must have allies to help shoulder the tasks, especially if we are to render our accomplishments secure." For all of America's enormous power, transforming the world is too heavy a burden to attempt alone. But we are not alone. The peoples of the world represent an enormous reservoir of strategic resources waiting to be utilized. The formula is a simple one: we can best advance our own interests not by persuading others to adopt our agenda but by helping them achieve their own freedom. In so doing, we must always remember that although we have many vocal opponents, these are vastly outnumbered by the legions of our silent allies. Mr. Hyde introduced legislation which was passed in form of a bill, H.R. 3969. H.R. 3969 is divided into three sections: The first reshapes and refocuses the State Department's public diplomacy programs, including specifying a series of objectives to be attained and requiring an annual plan be formulated to determine how these are to be implemented. The second section establishes a series of exchange programs focused on the Muslim world. The third section of the bill reorganizes our international broadcasting services in order to prepare them for far-reaching and innovative reforms.

  United States. Department of State

  Hyde, Henry J.

  2002-12
• U.S. Military: A Global View of Peace and Security in the 21st Century

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  One hundred years ago, those involved in the nation's national security business wrestled with many of the same, or certainly similar, issues that we face today, says General Richard B. Myers, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. "Then and now, regional powers can threaten the nation's interest in distant conflict. Then, as now, internal strife from religious hatreds, ethnic rivalry, tribal conflicts, can, and often does, lead to bloodletting. And then and now, U.S. troops often play a role in the crisis to restore peace." This article is based on remarks made by General Myers at a recent event at the Brookings Institution in Washington. "During the Cold War, we faced the threat of nuclear conflict with a superpower, but deterrence contained that threat because we placed at risk something the adversary held very dear. That was, in essence, their very existence. Today, if a weak power is a terrorist network with weapons of mass destruction, deterrence won't work most of the time. When they're willing to commit suicide to further their agenda, what do they value that we can place at risk? This dilemma reflects the unprecedented nature of today's security environment. And to meet these very daunting challenges, the president recently published a new National Security Strategy. In support of that, let me tell you about three broad considerations of the military's role in supporting our new national security strategy. The first consideration is that the United States military has got to accomplish a multitude of tasks. The second consideration is our military's role in this, the 21st century, and geography. The question you might ask is: Should the military be focused regionally or should we focus more globally? My unequivocal answer is yes. The third role is an issue that's been talked about a lot lately. It's in the national security strategy, and the military has a role. It's the issue of preemption. In my view, any discussion we have in the future almost has to include weapons of mass destruction and the dramatic change they've brought to our security environment. If terrorists or hostile regional powers have them, they can hold at risk our society and certainly the societies of our friends and allies. To help counter the threat, our Armed Forces are increasing our ability to operate in a coherent and in a global manner. We've got to have that global view and put this competency on a par with our regional capabilities. And we've got to talk about risk -- the risk of action and, of course, the risk of inaction, and when the U.S. should act in its own defense."

  United States. Department of State

  Myers, Richard B., 1942-

  2002-12
• Balance of Power that Favors Freedom

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  "President Bush's new National Security Strategy offers a bold vision for protecting our nation that captures today's new realities and new opportunities," says National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice. "It calls on America to use our position of unparalleled strength and influence to create a balance of power that favors freedom. As the president says in the cover letter: we seek to create the conditions in which all nations and all societies can chose for themselves the rewards and challenges of political and economic liberty'." Because of our own history, the United States knows we must be patient -- and humble. Change -- even if it is for the better -- is often difficult. And progress is sometimes slow. America has not always lived up to our own high standards. When the Founding Fathers said, "We, the people," they didn't mean me. Democracy is hard work. And 226 years later, we are still practicing each day to get it right. We have the ability to forge a 21st century that lives up to our hopes and not down to our fears. But only if we go about our work with purpose and clarity. Only if we are unwavering in our refusal to live in a world governed by terror and chaos. Only if we are unwilling to ignore growing dangers from aggressive tyrants and deadly technologies. And only if we are persistent and patient in exercising our influence in the service of our ideals, and not just ourselves.

  United States. Department of State

  Rice, Condoleezza, 1954-

  2002-12
• Evolving Threat from Weapons of Mass Destruction in the Middle East

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  The sub-regional tensions in North Africa, the Gulf, and South Asia, along with the tensions associated with the Arab-Israeli conflict, interact in ways that may well force all of the major powers in the Middle East to continue their efforts to acquire chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear weapons and delivery systems," says Anthony H. Cordesman, who holds the Arleigh A. Burke Chair for Strategy at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. In spite of international arms control efforts, and various discussions of weapons of mass destruction-free zones in the Middle East, the major powers in the region clearly see chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear (CBRN) weapons as key instruments of power. The same is true of long-range delivery systems, such as missiles. At this point in time, Yemen seems to be the only country to have voluntarily given up such weapons, and did so only because the deterioration of its small stock of chemical weapons and its inability to obtain continuing foreign support for its FROG and Scud B missiles left few other options. There are no current prospects that arms control and export control regimes can halt the ability of regional states to slowly acquire nuclear weapons and long-range ballistic missiles. It is all too clear, however, that even if such controls could be developed, regional states would simply pursue biological weapons and less obvious methods of delivery. As a result, dealing with CBRN threats is likely to be a permanent aspect of the security problems of the Middle East.

  United States. Department of State

  Cordesman, Anthony H.

  2002-07
• Economic Priorities of the National Security Strategy

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  "The National Security Strategy recognizes the importance of strengthening our economic security, expanding trade and investment, and promoting economic development," says Under Secretary of State Alan P. Larson. "We are working to achieve these goals through diplomacy and by sharing the experience of our own development, based on our political and economic freedoms. Success in achieving these economic policy goals is a core part of our National Security Strategy." The President's National Security Strategy aims to "help make the world not just safer but better." And a world that is better will also be safer. National security and global economic prosperity are inexorably linked. Economic strength and resiliency are the foundation of our national security. The economic dimension of the National Security Strategy focuses on three priorities: First, we must assure economic security by making the U.S. and global economies more resilient to economic shocks. Second, we must advance a global prosperity agenda by expanding trade and investment between nations. Third, we need to ensure poor nations participate fully in the rising tide of prosperity.

  United States. Department of State

  Larson, Alan

  2002-12
• Report to Congress Regarding the Terrorism Information Awareness Progam: In Response to Consolidated Appropriations Resolution, 2003, Pub. L. No. 108-7, Division M, Subsection 111(b): Executive Summary

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  The Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) is charged with conducting research and development for the Department of Defense (DoD). By doing so, DARPA furnishes DoD with leading-edge technologies to help the department execute its critical national security mission. DARPA often produces prototype systems for conducting experiments that address the urgent needs of DoD. If successful and appropriate, such prototype systems would be transitioned into operational use by executing agencies of the government. Terrorism Information Awareness (TIA) is such a prototype system/network. It is a research and development program that will integrate advanced collaborative and decision support tools; language translation; and data search, pattern recognition, and privacy protection technologies into an experimental prototype network focused on combating terrorism through better analysis and decision making. A TIA-like system/network could provide the defense and intelligence communities with tools and methods to solve many of the problems that have been identified in the aftermath of the attacks against the United States on September 11, 2001, and that are related to improving information analysis in our continuing war against terrorism. Five major investigation threads are currently being pursued as a part of TIA and are driving much of the development and experimental activity in the TIA program. These five threads are: secure collaborative problem solving, structured discovery with security, link and group understanding, context aware visualization, and decision making with corporate memory. The DoD has expressed its intention to address privacy and civil liberties issues squarely as they arise, in specific factual and operational contexts and in full partnership with other Executive Branch agencies and the Congress. The protection of privacy and civil liberties is an integral and paramount goal in the development of counterterrorism technologies and in their implementation. If these technologies can be developed, the privacy and civil liberties issues noted above would have to be carefully considered and resolved in advance of deployment.

  United States. Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency

  2003-05-20
• Selected Chronology of Key Events: September 11, 2001--Present

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  The Office of International Information Programs prepared this document, drawing upon a variety of public sources, to provide an overview of significant events of the year following the September 11 attacks. It is intended neither as a complete or comprehensive account of the Global Coalition Against Terrorism, nor as an official expression of U.S. policy. The last date included is July 15, 2002, with the sentencing of John Walker Lindh to 20 years in prison.

  United States. Department of State

  2002-09
• Rebuilding Afghanistan: An Excerpt from a Report by the U.S. Agency for International Development

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  Afghanistan presents one of the most difficult humanitarian and development challenges the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has ever faced. Years of civil war, compounded by Taliban rule and the worst drought in memory, have devastated the country. Approximately half of Afghanistan's 26.8 million people live in absolute poverty. Malnutrition is widespread. Fifty percent of the people are unemployed; 70 percent are illiterate. The systematic human rights assaults under the Taliban curtailed female access to education, healthcare, and livelihoods, depriving women of the means to support themselves and their families. Virtually all of the country's institutions and much of its infrastructure have been destroyed. USAID has made historic efforts to deliver critically needed assistance to the Afghan people. Even before the September 11 terrorist attacks, Afghanistan was the United States' top recipient of humanitarian aid, receiving $174 million in fiscal year 2001. Since the attacks, the United States has continued to play a leading role in meeting the Afghans' urgent needs for food, water, shelter, and medicine. The delivery of unprecedented amounts of food in record time by the U.N. World Food Program (WFP), with funding from USAID, has greatly reduced the loss of life. The majority of the wheat, oil, and lentils came from the United States and has fed more than 9 million men, women, and children. USAID, working through WFP and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), is rehabilitating more than 600 schools and enabling women-run bakeries to provide bread to schoolchildren. Approximately 50,000 teachers are receiving monthly food packages to supplement their income, through a food-for-civilservants program introduced across the country. This program is part of USAID's $118 million comprehensive support to WFP's efforts in Afghanistan since October 2001. This report is available in full at: http://www.usaid.gov/about/afghanistan/rebuilding_afghanistan.pdf

  United States. Department of State

  2002-09