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Libya and U.S. Policy [Updated February 12, 2021]
From the Document: "Ten years after a 2011 uprising toppled longtime authoritarian leader Muammar al Qadhafi, Libya has yet to make a transition to stable governing arrangements. Militias, local leaders, and coalitions of national figures backed by competing foreign patrons have remained the most powerful arbiters of public affairs. Conflict re-erupted in Libya in April 2019, when a coalition of armed groups led by Qadhafi-era military defector Khalifa Haftar known as the Libyan National Army movement (LNA, in Arabic: 'Libyan Arab Armed Forces,' LAAF) leveraged support from Russia, the United Arab Emirates, and Egypt to attempt to seize the capital, Tripoli, from the interim Government of National Accord (GNA) and local militias. With Turkish military support, the GNA and western Libyan militias forced the LNA to withdraw. Libya has remained divided since, with opposing forces separated by a line of control west of Sirte."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Blanchard, Christopher M.
2021-02-12
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Lebanese Hezbollah [Updated February 1, 2021]
From the Overview: "Hezbollah ('Party of God') is an Iran-backed Lebanese Shi'a militia and U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO). Formed in 1982, in the wake of the Israeli invasion of southern Lebanon, the group has described itself as the leader of Islamic resistance to Israel and has conducted numerous attacks against Israeli and Western targets. Hezbollah currently operates regionally as a militia force, while also playing a powerful role as a Lebanese political party and provider of social services."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Humud, Carla E.
2021-02-01
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Burkina Faso [Updated December 10, 2020]
From the Document: "Burkina Faso has become a stark symbol of worsening security trends in West Africa's Sahel region. Since 2016, Islamist insurgent groups have asserted control over parts of the country and carried out terrorist attacks in the capital, Ouagadougou. Some have ties to the conflict in neighboring Mali, and to Al Qaeda or the Islamic State. The government has struggled to counter insurgent gains despite international backing and military aid, while state security forces and militia groups have been implicated in severe human rights abuses. The conflict has crippled health and education systems in parts of the country and deepened food insecurity. Over a million Burkinabè were internally displaced as of late 2020, nearly double the number a year earlier, according to U.N. data. The COVID-19 [coronavirus disease 2019] pandemic has also brought new health and economic hardships."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Arieff, Alexis
2020-12-10
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Russian Private Military Companies (PMCs) [September 16, 2020]
From the Document: "Over the last decade, Russian private military companies (PMCs) have appeared globally in various conflicts. Observers believe the Russian government is increasingly using PMCs to project power cheaply and deniably. Russian PMCs often operate alongside local militias, volunteers, criminal groups, and other non-state actors. In many cases, such PMCs appear closely connected to and controlled by the Russian government; in other cases, the extent of government control is uncertain. Members of Congress may be interested in examining the scope of Russian PMC operations to understand the full range of Russian tactics and operations when evaluating Russia's efforts to advance its foreign policy."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Bowen, Andrew S.
2020-09-16
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Libya and U.S. Policy [Updated August 3, 2020]
"Major conflict erupted in Libya in April 2019, when the 'Libyan National Army'/'Libyan Arab Armed Forces' (LNA/LAAF) movement--a coalition of armed groups led by Khalifa Haftar--launched a bid to seize the capital, Tripoli, from militias and the internationally recognized Government of National Accord (GNA). Fighters in western Libya rallied with Turkish military support to blunt the LNA's advance, and Haftar's forces withdrew from northwestern Libya in June 2020. The LNA and its local partners control much of Libya's territory and key oil production and export infrastructure. The GNA and anti-LNA groups control Tripoli and the western coast and seek to assert control over the entire country. Southern Libya is marginalized and faces threats from criminals, rival ethnic militias, and terrorists. The U.S. government supports a ceasefire, but the rival coalitions are preparing for more fighting in central Libya."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Blanchard, Christopher M.
2020-08-03
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Libya and U.S. Policy [May 20, 2020]
From the Document: "Libya has been wracked by major conflict since April 2019, when the 'Libyan National Army'/'Libyan Arab Armed Forces' (LNA/LAAF) movement--a coalition of armed groups led by Khalifa Haftar--launched a bid to seize the capital, Tripoli, from local militias and the internationally recognized Government of National Accord (GNA)."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Blanchard, Christopher M.
2020-05-20
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Burkina Faso [Updated October 23, 2019]
From the Document: "Burkina Faso has become a stark symbol of worsening security trends in West Africa's Sahel region, due to an armed conflict that began in 2016. Islamist insurgents-- some of whom have ties to the conflict in neighboring Mali, and to Al Qaeda and the Islamic State--have asserted control over parts of the country and carried out several large attacks in the capital. State security forces and tacitly state-backed militia groups have been accused of severe human rights abuses during counterterrorism operations, including torture and extrajudicial killings."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Arieff, Alexis
2019-10-23
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Conflict in Mali [Updated August 16, 2019]
From the Document: "Mali faces intertwined security and governance challenges. The government signed a peace accord with northern separatist rebels in 2015, but key provisions remain unimplemented. Signatory armed groups continue to assert territorial control in much of the vast desert north. At the same time, Islamist insurgent groups have expanded from the north into previously stable central Mali, leveraging (and fomenting) interethnic violence and local resentment toward state actors to recruit supporters. Islamist extremists have also carried out attacks in and near the capital, Bamako. In the center and northeast, civilian massacres by ethnic militias--some of which appear to have the tacit backing of state actors--have contributed to worsening insecurity. Rebel, terrorist, communal, and criminal armed networks are fluid and shifting, complicating conflict resolution. Some Malians have proposed peace talks with jihadist groups, but the idea remains controversial."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Arieff, Alexis
2019-08-16
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CTC Sentinel [August 2019]
This August 2019 issue of the U.S. Military Academy's Combating Terrorism Center (CTC) Sentinel features an article covering the increasing presence of pro-Iranian militias in Iraq and Syria titled "Iran's Expanding Militia Army in Iraq: The New Special Groups," by Michael Knights. Other reports include: "A View from the CT [counterterrorism] Foxhole: Suzanne Raine, Former Head of the United Kingdom's Joint Terrorism Analysis Centre" by Raffaello Pantucci; "Western Balkans Foreign Fighters and Homegrown Jihadis: Trends and Implications," by Adrian Shtuni; "Returnee Foreign Fighters from Syria and Iraq: The Kosovan Experience," by Kujtim Bytyqi and Sam Mullins; and "Maduro's Revolutionary Guards: The Rise of Paramilitarism in Venezuela" by Ross Dayton.
Combating Terrorism Center (U.S.)
2019-08
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Sudan's Uncertain Transition [June 28, 2019]
From the Overview: "Sudan faces an inflection point as elements of deposed President Omar al Bashir's regime struggle to maintain power in the face of a popular uprising and international pressure. Sudan has a long history of rebellion and resistance; mass protests in 1964 and 1985 against military regimes spurred coups that led to brief periods of civilian rule. The current social movement, however, is unprecedented for Sudan in its scope, bringing together professional and labor unions, community groups, civic activists and business leaders, opposition parties, and insurgents in a common call for change. Bashir's security chiefs, who seized power in April, have appeared divided at times on how to proceed. They allowed an initial opening of political space, pledging a transition to civilian government and negotiating with the opposition. But in early June, the Transitional Military Council (TMC) launched a violent crackdown on the pro-democracy movement, killing and arresting protesters, raiding hospitals, blocking the internet, and deploying paramilitary forces across Khartoum and other key cities. The rise within the TMC of a former Darfur militia leader, Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo 'Hemeti,' whom human rights groups have accused of war crimes, has drawn particular concern. Former U.S. envoy to Sudan Andrew Natsios has described the current moment as Sudan's greatest political crisis since independence in 1956."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Blanchard, Lauren Ploch
2019-06-28
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U.S. Army in the Iraq War -- Volume 2: Surge and Withdrawal, 2007-2011
From the Preface: "In September 2013, then Army Chief of Staff General Raymond T. Odierno directed the Operation IRAQI FREEDOM Study Group to research and write an operational history of the U.S. Army's experience in the Iraq War from 2003 to 2011. This volume of The U.S. Army in the Iraq War is the second of two fulfilling that task. It tells how the surge counteroffensive in 2007-2008 neutralized both the Sunni insurgency and Shi'a militias, bringing Iraq to its most peaceful and stable state since the invasion. It then describes how, with political support for the war waning, consecutive Presidential administrations began to reduce the number of troops in Iraq while Multi-National Force-Iraq (MNF-I) and later United States Forces-Iraq (USF-I) worked hurriedly to prepare the Iraqi military to take responsibility for their nation's security. The speed of the drawdown accelerated significantly after the election of President Barack Obama, culminating in an unexpected complete withdrawal in 2011."
Army War College (U.S.)
Rayburn, Joel D.; Sobchak, Frank K.
2019-02
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Lebanese Hezbollah [Updated June 22, 2018]
From the Overview: "Hezbollah ('Party of God') is an Iran-backed Lebanese Shi'a militia and U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO). Formed in 1982, in the wake of the Israeli invasion of southern Lebanon, the group has described itself as the leader of Islamic resistance to Israel and has conducted numerous attacks against Israeli and Western targets. Hezbollah currently operates regionally as a militia force, while also playing a powerful role as a Lebanese political party and provider of social services."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Humud, Carla E.
2018-06-22
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Yemen: Civil War and Regional Intervention [April 12, 2018]
"This report provides information on the ongoing crisis in Yemen. Now in its fourth year, the war in Yemen shows no signs of abating and may be escalating. In recent weeks, the northern Yemeni armed militia and political movement known as the Houthis have launched several missile attacks into Saudi Arabia, while the Saudi-led coalition, a multinational grouping of armed forces primarily led by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE), has continued to conduct air strikes inside Yemen. Including combatants, the war in Yemen may have killed more than 10,000 Yemenis and has significantly damaged the country's infrastructure. As the war continues, the risk of it spreading beyond Yemeni territory appears to be growing."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Sharp, Jeremy Maxwell
2018-04-12
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Serial No. 115-59: State Sponsors of Terrorism: An Examination of Iran's Global Terrorism Network, Hearing Before the Subcommittee on Counterterrorism and Intelligence of the Committee on Homeland Security, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fifteenth Congress, Second Session, April 17, 2018
This is the April 17, 2018 hearing "State Sponsors of Terrorism: An Examination of Iran's Global Terrorism Network," held before the House of Representatives Subcommittee on Counterterrorism and Intelligence of the Committee on Homeland Security. From the statement of Peter T. King: "The Iranian revolution, which started in 1979, has been disastrous for the region, for the world, and particularly a significant threat to the United States. Since 1984 the government of Iran has been designated by the United States as a state sponsor of terrorism. Iranian external operations, including support for proxy terrorists and Shia militia groups have played a central role in sup-porting this designation. These groups have destabilized other countries, directly threatened Israel, undermined democracy, and escalated tensions through campaigns of terror." Statements, letters, and materials submitted for the record include those of the following: Emanuele Ottolenghi, Michael Pregent, Nader Uskowi, and Brian Katulis.
United States. Government Publishing Office
2018
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Libya: Transition and U.S. Policy [October 2, 2017]
"Libya's political transition has been disrupted by armed nonstate groups and threatened by the indecision and infighting of interim leaders. After an armed uprising ended the 40-plus-year rule of Muammar al Qadhafi in late 2011, interim authorities proved unable to form a stable government, address pressing security issues, reshape the country's public finances, or create a viable framework for post-conflict justice and reconciliation. Elections for legislative bodies and a constitutional drafting assembly were held and transparently administered in 2012 and 2014, but were marred by declining rates of participation, threats to candidates and voters, and zero-sum political competition. Insecurity remained prevalent in Libya following the 2011 conflict and deepened in 2014, driven by overlapping ideological, personal, financial, and transnational rivalries. Issues of dispute have included governance, military command, national finances, and control of oil infrastructure. Resulting conflicts involving Libyans in different parts of the country drove the political transition off course. At present, armed militia groups and locally organized political leaders remain the most powerful arbiters of public affairs. Criminals and violent Islamist extremists have exploited these conditions, and the latter remain active inside Libya and threaten Libya's neighbors. The 2017 U.S. AFRICOM Posture Statement states that 'the instability in Libya and North Africa may be the most significant, near-term threat to U.S. and allies' interests' in Africa."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Blanchard, Christopher M.
2017-10-02
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Serial No. 115-64: Iranian Backed Militias: Destabilizing the Middle East, Hearing Before the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fifteenth Congress, First Session, October 4, 2017
This is the October 4, 2017 hearing on "Iranian Backed Militias: Destabilizing the Middle East" held before the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. From the opening statement of Ted Poe: "The Middle East continues to pose some of the biggest challenges to United States national security. Where there is a threat to our interests in the region we can be sure that Iran and its proxy forces and militias are somewhere in the neighborhood. [...] Our troops and Foreign Service officers and intelligence personnel who are trying to help Iraqis, Syrians, and Kurds fight ISIS [Islamic State of Iraq and Syria] have been repeatedly threatened by Iran's many opportunities in Iraq and Syria. Opposition to dangerous Iranian expansionism and support for terrorism is a bipartisan concern. Congress can lead further by developing a strategy to counter all of Iran's proxies. There is more at stake than just surrendering the region to Iran. If we want to defeat ISIS and defend allies like Israel, we must stop the growth of Iranian-backed groups and their destabilizing behavior. Iran's mobs have gone unchallenged. We are here today to find out from our four experts what the U.S. policy is toward all of this chaos and what it should be doing in the future." Statements, Letters, and materials submitted for the record include those of the following: Michael Knights, Aram Nerguizian, Kenneth Pollack, and Melissa Dalton.
United States. Government Publishing Office
2017
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Prospects in Colombia: Cease-Fire, Peace Accord Vote, and Potential Disrupters [September 14, 2016]
"On October 2, 2016, Colombians will be given a chance in a national plebiscite to embrace or reject a peace accord negotiated over four years between the government of President Juan Manuel Santos and the country's largest insurgent group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). The FARC has fought the Colombian government for more than five decades and funded its leftist insurgency with proceeds from extortion, drug trafficking, and other illicit activities. The vote is not legally required to approve the FARC-government negotiations but was the path chosen by the Santos government to garner public support and bring legitimacy to the result. [...] Between September 13 and September 17, 2016, the FARC guerrilla forces and leadership are scheduled to convene what is technically their 10th conference to determine their support for the accord. The peace accord stipulates that FARC combatants will disarm within 180 days of signature. FARC fighters are to move to zones in 28 sites around rural Colombia to disarm in a U.N.-supervised process. An estimated 10,000 to 15,000 FARC fighters and militia members would then begin a process of reintegration into civilian life. An ambitious program of transitional justice would take place through a mechanism called the Special Jurisdiction of Peace (JEP), featuring a Tribunal for Peace made up of judges selected by Colombian judges and foreign dignitaries, including the U.N. Secretary General."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Beittel, June S.
2016-09-14
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Libya: Transition and U.S. Policy [May 13, 2016]
This report offers a comprehensive overview of the current U.S. policy with Libya. The report begins by discussing the political and security dynamics and progresses to the current U.S. policy, assistance, and military action in Libya. The report here within also offers figures and table in relation to the topic at hand. The following is an excerpt from the report summary: Libya's political transition has been disrupted by armed non-state groups and threatened by the indecision and infighting of interim leaders. After an armed uprising ended the 40-plus year rule of Muammar al Qadhafi in late 2011, interim authorities proved unable to form a stable government, address pressing security issues, reshape the country's public finances, or create a viable framework for post-conflict justice and reconciliation. "Elections for legislative bodies and a constitutional drafting assembly were held and transparently administered in 2012 and 2014, but were marred by declining rates of participation, threats to candidates and voters, and zero-sum political competition. Insecurity remained prevalent in Libya following the 2011 conflict and deepened in 2014, driven by overlapping ideological, personal, financial, and transnational rivalries. Resulting conflicts involving Libyans in different parts of the country drove the political transition off course. At present, armed militia groups and locally organized political leaders remain the most powerful arbiters of public affairs. Criminals and violent Islamist extremists have exploited these conditions, and the latter have strengthened their military capabilities and advanced their agendas inside Libya and beyond its borders."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Blanchard, Christopher M.
2016-05-13
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Libya: Transition and U.S. Policy [March 4, 2016]
"Libya's political transition has been disrupted by armed non-state groups and threatened by the indecision and infighting of interim leaders. After an armed uprising ended the 40-plus year rule of Muammar al Qadhafi in late 2011, interim authorities proved unable to form a stable government, address pressing security issues, reshape the country's public finances, or create a viable framework for post-conflict justice and reconciliation. Elections for legislative bodies and a constitutional drafting assembly were held and transparently administered from 2012 through 2014, but were marred by declining rates of participation, threats to candidates and voters, and zero-sum political competition. Insecurity was prevalent in Libya in the immediate wake of the 2011 conflict and deepened in 2014, driven by overlapping ideological, personal, financial, and transnational rivalries. Resulting conflicts involving Libyans in different parts of the country drove the political transition off course. At present, armed militia groups and locally organized political leaders remain the most powerful arbiters of public affairs. Criminals and violent Islamist extremist organizations have exploited these conditions, and the latter have strengthened their military capabilities and advanced their ideological agendas inside Libya and beyond its borders."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Blanchard, Christopher M.
2016-03-04
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Serial No. 114-194: Egypt: Challenges and Opportunities for U.S. Policy, Hearing Before the Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fourteenth Congress, Second Session, June 15, 2016
This is the June 15, 2016 hearing on "Egypt: Challenges and Opportunities for U.S. Policy" held before the House of Representatives Subcommittee on the Middle East and North Africa of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. From the opening statement of Ileana Ros-Lehtinen: "The political, economic, and security challenges that Egypt is facing right now, they are numerous, they are interdependent. It is extremely difficult, for example, for President Sisi to make necessary structural reforms to Egypt's economy without potentially undermining the fragile political support he is leaning on to bring much-needed stability to the country. Conversely, if these economic reforms are not made soon, we may see a return of the unrest that we saw on Egyptian streets not too long ago. And it is in this context that Egypt is facing growing security threats from an expanding ISIS and its Sinai Province affiliate, from al-Qaeda-linked groups, from militias, from extremists in Libya, and from particularly violent factions of the Muslim Brotherhood." [...] "Egypt is an important strategic ally that is struggling on a number of fronts, and as we discuss the challenges and opportunities for U.S. policy here today, I continue to believe that the best way to help is through encouragement and assistance as a friend." Statements, letters, and materials submitted for the record include those of the following: Mark Green, Mokhtar Awad, Amy Hawthorne.
United States. Government Publishing Office
2016
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Iraq: Politics and Governance [December 31, 2015]
"Iraq's sectarian and ethnic divisions--muted toward the end of the 2003-2011 U.S. military intervention in Iraq--have reemerged to fuel a major challenge to Iraq's stability and to U.S. policy in Iraq and the broader Middle East region. The resentment of Iraq's Sunni Arabs toward the Shiite-dominated central government facilitated the capture in 2014 of nearly one-third of Iraqi territory by the Sunni Islamist extremist group called the Islamic State (also known as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, or ISIL). Iraq's Kurds have been separately embroiled in political and territorial disputes with Baghdad, although those differences have been at least temporarily subordinated to the common struggle against the Islamic State. […] This report provides background and analysis on the politics of Iraq, including its communities, its governing personalities and factions, security forces and militias, and the government's human rights record. The report does not provide a detailed analysis of the U.S.-led campaign to defeat Islamic State forces in Iraq."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Katzman, Kenneth; Humud, Carla E.
2015-12-31
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Countering the Hidden Hand: A Study of Iranian Influence in Iraq
From the thesis abstract: "The purpose of this thesis is to illuminate the pathways of Iranian influence in Iraq in order to provide U.S. decision makers with a possible strategy to counter Iran's malignant influence there. By using a combination of social network analysis and social movement theory, this study illuminates the network of actors fighting Daesh in Iraq by first analyzing the network to map Iran's influence channels and identify macro- and micro-level brokerage within the network. Using a social-movement focused approach, this study then identifies a candidate group for mobilization. Study of the network reveals that Iranian influence is exerted via its sponsored Shi'a militias and by conducting bloc recruitment of tribal militias. To counter this, the Jubouri tribal confederation located in Salahuddin Province offers high potential for mobilization under U.S. sponsorship that could be used to combat Iranian influence."
Naval Postgraduate School (U.S.)
O'Connor, Patrick R.
2015-12
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Legal Obligation of U.S. Armed Forces to Intervene in Acts of Bacha Bazi in Afghanistan [October 22, 2015]
From the Document: "A recent New York Times article and editorial alleged rampant sexual abuse of young boys (bacha bazi) in Afghanistan by armed commanders in the Afghan militias. The reports raise concerns about the role of the U.S. military in reporting and combating the abuse that is alleged to have occurred on shared military bases. Servicemembers quoted in the article state that they were ordered to 'look the other way because it's their culture' and therefore were unable to stop the alleged abuse. The question has been raised, 'what if any, are the legal obligations of the U.S. military to intervene?' It has been asserted by some commentators that the Geneva Conventions and federal law would impose a legal obligation on U.S. forces to investigate and prosecute the alleged abuse under the laws of war. However, it appears that this statement may be overbroad. […] The current Geneva Conventions consist of four treaties, each protecting a specific group of individuals: Geneva Convention (GC) I -- wounded and sick in the field; GC II -- wounded, sick, and shipwrecked at sea; GC III -- prisoners of war; and GC IV -- civilians. The Geneva Conventions are applicable during international armed conflict (declared war or any other armed conflict which may arise between two or more parties to the treaty) and non-international armed conflict (armed conflict not of an international character occurring in the territory of one of the parties to the treaty). However, the U.S. policy is to comply with the Law of Armed Conflict during all operations, whether classified as international armed conflict, non-international armed conflict, or situations short of armed conflict."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
2015-10-22
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Less-than-Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement Signed in Burma [October 15, 2015]
From the Document: "Eight ethnic groups and representatives of Burma's government signed a ceasefire agreement on October 15, possibly moving the country one step closer to ending its six decade long civil war (see text box). However, more than a dozen ethnic groups did not sign the agreement, including most of those actively fighting with the government's army, the Tatmadaw, leaving the agreement well short of the nationwide ceasefire President Thein Sein sought to complete before parliamentary elections scheduled for November 8, 2015. Each of the eight ethnic groups had agreed to separate ceasefire agreements with the Thein Sein government. Two other ethnic groups, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland-Khaplang (NSCN-K) and the United Wa State Army (UWSA), did not participate in the negotiations and had previously announced that they had no intention of signing the ceasefire agreement. Under the terms of the agreement, a political dialogue is to begin with 90 days (January 13, 2016) to discuss terms for the formation of a federal government and a peace agreement. In no more than 14 days (October 29), the parties to the agreement are to meet to define a timeline to abide by a mutually binding military code of conduct. Given the limited number of ethnic groups who signed the agreement, however, it is unclear if these discussions will occur. The ceasefire agreement resolves many issues underlying the nation's long-standing civil war, but does not address some of the more controversial issues, such as the terms of post-ceasefire political dialogue, the status of the ethnic militias, and the ceasefire's code of conduct for the Tatmadaw and the ethnic militias."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Martin, Michael F.
2015-10-15
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Iranian Influence in Iraq and the Case of Camp Liberty, Hearing Before the Senate Committee on Armed Services, One Hundred Fourteenth Congress, First Session, October 7, 2015
This is a testimony compilation of the October 7, 2015 hearing on "Iranian Influence in Iraq and the Case of Camp Liberty" held before the Senate Committee on Armed Services. From the opening statement of John McCain: "As my colleagues know, Camp Liberty is the location in Iraq where more than 2,000 Iranian refugees currently live since they were internally relocated from their previous location at Camp Ashraf. The residents of the camp are dissidents who have long since opposed the regime in Tehran, at one time violently so. When U.S. forces entered Iraq in 2003, the residents of what was then Camp Ashraf renounced violence, gave up their weapons, and agreed to come under U.S. military protection as, quote, 'protected persons' under Article 4 of the Geneva Conventions. For several years, the U.S. military provided security for the camp's residents. This responsibility ultimately transferred to the Iraqi government, and things took a turn for the worse, especially in the aftermath of the full withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq in 2011. In recent years, the residents of the camp have been the victims of frequent harassment, the decreased quality of life, hindered access to food and medicine, and rocket attacks, and violent raids that have resulted in the deaths of more 100 men, women, and children. Most of these attacks are reportedly the work of radical Iraqi military -- militia groups and agents of the Iranian regime." Statements, letters, and materials submitted for the record include those of the following: James Jones, Joseph I. Lieberman, and Wesley Martin.
United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Armed Services
2015-10-07
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Iraq: Politics and Governance [September 16, 2015]
"Iraq's sectarian and ethnic divisions--muted toward the end of the 2003-2011 U.S. military intervention in Iraq--have reemerged to fuel a major challenge to Iraq's stability and to U.S. policy in Iraq and the broader Middle East region. The resentment of Iraq's Sunni Arabs toward the Shiite-dominated central government facilitated the capture in 2014 of nearly one-third of Iraqi territory by the Sunni Islamist extremist group called the Islamic State (also known as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, or ISIL). Iraq's Kurds have been separately embroiled in political and territorial disputes with Baghdad, although those differences have been subordinated at least temporarily to the common struggle against the Islamic State. As part of an overarching effort to defeat the Islamic State, the United States is helping the Iraqi government try to recapture territories in Iraq that have fallen under Islamic State control. The United States is conducting airstrikes against the group and has deployed over 3,500 U.S. military personnel to advise and training the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF), the 'peshmerga' militia of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), and Sunni tribal fighters. Partner countries are contributing 1,500 advisers and trainers for these purposes. The United States is also proceeding with pre-existing foreign military sales of combat aircraft, as well as with new sales of tanks and armored vehicles to replenish the equipment lost during the 2014 ISF partial collapse."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Katzman, Kenneth; Humud, Carla E.
2015-09-16
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Libya: Transition and U.S. Policy [August 3, 2015]
"Libya's post-Qadhafi transition has been disrupted by armed non-state groups and threatened by the indecision and infighting of interim leaders. Since an armed uprising ousted the government of Muammar al Qadhafi in late 2011, interim authorities have failed to form a stable government, address pressing security issues, reshape the country's public finances, or create a viable framework for post-conflict justice and reconciliation. The insecurity that was prevalent in Libya in the immediate wake of the 2011 conflict deepened in 2014, driven by overlapping ideological, personal, financial, and transnational rivalries. Armed militia groups and locally organized political leaders remain the most powerful arbiters of public affairs. The U.S. State Department describes Libya as a terrorist safe haven, and the U.S. government suspended operations at the U.S. Embassy in Tripoli and relocated U.S. personnel out of the country in July 2014."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Blanchard, Christopher M.
2015-08-03
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Iraq: Politics, Security, and U.S. Policy [June 22, 2015]
"Iraq's sectarian and ethnic divisions--muted toward the end of the 2003-2011 U.S. military intervention in Iraq--have reemerged to fuel a major challenge to Iraq's stability and to U.S. policy in Iraq and the broader Middle East region. The resentment of Iraq's Sunni Arabs toward the Shiite-dominated central government facilitated the capture in 2014 of nearly one-third of Iraqi territory by the Sunni Islamist extremist group called the Islamic State (also known as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, or ISIL). Iraq's Kurds have been separately embroiled in political and territorial disputes with Baghdad, although those differences have been downplayed by the common struggle by the Kurds and the central government against the Islamic State. As part of an overarching effort to defeat the Islamic State, the United States is helping the Iraqi government try to recapture territories in Iraq that have fallen under Islamic State control. The United States is conducting airstrikes against the group and has deployed 3,100 U.S. military personnel to advise and training the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF), the 'peshmerga' militia of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), and Sunni tribal fighters. Partner countries are contributing 1,500 advisers and trainers for these purposes. The United States is also proceeding with pre-existing foreign military sales of combat aircraft, as well as with new sales of tanks and armored vehicles to replenish the equipment lost during the 2014 ISF partial collapse."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Katzman, Kenneth
2015-06-22
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Watch Out: Sovereign Citizen Scams
"Sovereign citizen groups are loose associations of antigovernment extremists who do not recognize the Federal Government. They believe they are separate or sovereign from the United States and are exempt from Federal, State, and local laws and tax systems. They believe the county sheriff is the supreme law enforcement officer in the land and county clerks or registrars are the only legitimate elected officials. They subscribe to a belief in 'common law' and their right to arrest or sue employees of the 'illegitimate government.' They are known for filing nuisance lawsuits or liens against individuals who try to stop their schemes, which have involved in lender, credit card, tax, and loan frauds. They make their own driver's licenses and license plates and sometimes attempt to form their own parallel institutions of government. Sovereign citizen encounters with law enforcement and government personnel frequently become confrontational and sometimes turn violent. The most extreme example of sovereign citizen violence was exhibited by Terry Nichols, coconspirator in the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Office Building bombing in 1995. The 2014 standoff between the Federal Government and a cattle rancher in Nevada also involved sovereign citizens and even more radical militia groups. The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and HUD OIG [U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development Office of the Inspector General] have noticed a resurgence of sovereign citizen fraud in HUD program."
United States. Department of Housing and Urban Development
2015
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Iraq: Politics, Governance, and Human Rights [October 29, 2014]
"Since the 2011 U.S. military withdrawal from Iraq, sectarian and ethnic divisions have widened, fueling a major challenge to Iraq's stability and to Iraq's non-Muslim minority communities. Many of Iraq's Sunni Arabs have sided with radical Sunni Islamist insurgents as a means to reduce Shiite political domination. Iraq's Kurds have been separately embroiled in political disputes with Baghdad over territorial, political, and economic issues, particularly their intent to separately export large volumes of oil produced in the Kurdish region. The political rifts--which were contained by the U.S. military presence but escalated after late 2011--erupted in December 2013 into a sustained uprising led by the extremist group Islamic State, formerly known as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL). The group and its allies took control of several cities in Anbar Province in early 2014 and captured Mosul and several other mostly Sunni cities in June 2014, accompanied by a partial collapse of the Iraqi Security Forces (ISF). […] The ISF collapse enabled the Kurds to seize control of the long-coveted city of Kirkuk, positioning the Kurds to break away from Iraq entirely were they to decide to do so. And, the crisis has provoked the revival of Shiite militia forces, politically aligned not only with dominant Shiite factions in Iraq but also with Iran. These forces have helped defend Baghdad and other areas to compensate for the weakness of the ISF, but the militias have also caused many Sunnis to see the Islamic State as a more favorable ally than the Iraqi government."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Katzman, Kenneth
2014-10-29