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• Iran: U.S. Concerns and Policy Responses [September 5, 2012]

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  "Addressing the perceived threat posed by Iran to a broad range of U.S. interests has been a top priority for the Obama Administration. A sense of potential crisis with Iran has taken hold since late 2011 as Iran's nuclear enrichment program continues to advance. That Iranian progress has caused the government of Israel to assert that it might take unilateral military action against Iran's nuclear facilities unless the United States provides assurances that it will act, militarily if necessary, to prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon. Aside from the nuclear issue, the United States has long seen a threat to U.S. interests posed by Iran's support for militant groups in the Middle East and in Iraq and Afghanistan. U.S. officials accuse Iran of helping Syria's leadership try to defeat a growing popular opposition movement and of taking advantage of Shiite majority unrest against the Sunni-led, pro-U.S. government of Bahrain. To counter the perceived threat from Iran, the Obama Administration has orchestrated broad international pressure on Iran through economic sanctions, while also offering Iran sustained engagement if it verifiably assures the international community that its nuclear program is peaceful."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Katzman, Kenneth

  2012-09-05
• Immigration Legislation and Issues in the 112th Congress [September 11, 2012]

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  "Despite President Obama's calls for a national conversation on immigration reform, immigration has not been a front-burner issue for the 112th Congress. Unlike in some past years, there has been little discussion in this Congress of comprehensive immigration reform legislation, which typically has encompassed border security, employment eligibility verification, temporary worker programs, permanent admissions, and unauthorized aliens, among other issues. The 112th Congress has, however, taken legislative action on some immigration-related measures. The Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2012 (P.L. 112-74) contains provisions on border security, visa security, tourist visas, refugees, and other immigration issues. Legislation has also been enacted on military service-based immigration benefits (P.L. 112-58), border tunnels (P.L. 112- 127), and E-2 treaty investor visas (P.L. 112-130). In addition, the House and Senate have each passed other immigration-related legislation. Both houses have passed different bills (H.R. 4970, S. 1925) to reauthorize the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA). The House has passed, and the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee has reported, legislation (H.R. 915) that would provide statutory authority for the Border Enforcement Security Task Force (BEST) initiative. The House has passed bills that would reform permanent employment-based and family-based admissions (H.R. 3012) and to reauthorize the H-1C temporary worker category for nurses (H.R. 1933). It also has passed legislation on border security at and between ports of entry (H.R. 1299) and student visa reform (H.R. 3120). The Senate has passed a bill (S. 3245) that would extend the authorization for four immigration programs for three years, until September 30, 2015. The four programs are (1) the EB-5 visa program for immigrant investors, (2) the E-Verify electronic employment eligibility verification program, (3) the special immigrant religious worker program, and (4) the Conrad State J-1 visa waiver program for foreign medical graduates. The Senate FY2013 DHS Appropriations bill (S. 3216), as reported by the Senate Appropriations Committee, would likewise extend these four programs until September 30, 2015."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Bruno, Andorra

  2012-09-11
• Iran: U.S. Concerns and Policy Responses [September 2, 2011]

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  "The Obama Administration views Iran as a major threat to U.S. national security interests, a perception generated not only by uncertainty about Iran's intentions for its nuclear program but also by its materiel assistance to armed groups in Iraq and Afghanistan, to the Palestinian group Hamas, and to Lebanese Hezbollah. U.S. officials are highly critical of what they say is stepped up Iranian support for Iraqi Shiite militias that have attacked U.S. forces, who are scheduled to leave Iraq by the end of 2011. U.S. officials also accuse Iran of helping Syria's leadership use force and other methods to try to defeat a growing popular opposition movement, and of taking advantage of Shiite majority unrest against the Sunni-led, pro-U.S. government of Bahrain. […] In 2011, in the context of the popular uprisings throughout the Middle East, and perhaps addressing criticism that it did not sufficiently support the popular uprising in Iran in 2009, the Administration has increased its public support of the Iranian opposition 'Green Movement.' Some in the 112th Congress believe the United States should become more vocal in supporting the democracy movement in Iran, and perhaps even provide material support to Iranian activists, but there are no indications the Administration plans to do so. For further information, see CRS [Congressional Research Service] Report RS20871, 'Iran Sanctions'; and CRS Report RL34544, 'Iran's Nuclear Program: Status.'"

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Katzman, Kenneth

  2011-09-02
• Peacekeeping and Stabilization Missions Abroad: The Development of Civilian Capabilities, 2004-2011 [December 19, 2012]

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  "Congress has played a key role in fostering the development of civilian capacity and capabilities to deal with conflicts overseas. 'First generation' efforts were the establishment in 2004 of the former Office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization (S/CRS). This office was the result of widespread concern that the U.S. government lacked appropriate civilian 'tools' to help stem, stabilize, and otherwise address conflicts that were perceived as a threat to the United States after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 (9/11). Senator Richard G. Lugar and former Senator Joseph R. Biden Jr. provided the impetus to establish it in permanent law. The 113th Congress may wish to play a continuing role regarding civilian capacity and capabilities by examining 'second generation' efforts, which include the State Department Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations (CSO). In November 2011, the Obama Administration announced its establishment of this bureau, which integrated S/CRS. CSO is intended to provide the institutional focus for policy and 'operational solutions' to prevent, respond to, and stabilize crises. The evolution from S/CRS to CSO appears to have responded to changing perceptions of the security environment, S/CRS's perceived utility, and budget constraints. This report1 provides background on the origins and development of S/CRS and related capabilities. It also discusses four issues raised during the S/CRS years that may still be relevant for the CSO Bureau: perceptions of S/CRS's effectiveness, the appropriate size for Civilian Response Corps (CRC), flexible funding for stabilization operations, and funding for a reserve component. It does not cover events or perceptions since the formation of the CSO Bureau and will not be updated."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Serafino, Nina M.

  2012-12-19
• Central Asia: Regional Developments and Implications for U.S. Interests [June 11, 2008]

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  "After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the United States recognized the independence of all the former Central Asian republics, supported their admission into Western organizations, and elicited Turkish support to counter Iranian influence in the region. Congress was at the forefront in urging the formation of coherent U.S. policies for aiding these and other Eurasian states of the former Soviet Union. Soon after the terrorist attacks on America on September 11, 2001, all the Central Asian states offered overflight and other support to coalition anti-terrorist efforts in Afghanistan. Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan hosted coalition troops and provided access to airbases. In 2003, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan also endorsed coalition military action in Iraq, and Kazakhstan provided about two dozen troops for rebuilding. U.S. policy has emphasized bolstering the security of the Central Asian 'front-line' states to help them combat terrorism, proliferation, and arms trafficking. Other strategic U.S. objectives have included promoting free markets, democratization, human rights, and energy development. Such policies aim to help the states become what the Administration considers to be responsible members of the international community rather than to degenerate into xenophobic, extremist, and anti-Western regimes that threaten international peace and stability."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Nichol, James P.

  2008-06-11
• Gangs in Central America [January 28, 2013]

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  "Congress has maintained an interest in the effects of gang violence in Central America, and on the expanding activities of transnational gangs with ties to that region operating in the United States. Since FY2008, Congress has appropriated significant amounts of funding for anti-gang efforts in Central America, as well as domestic anti-gang programs. Two recent developments may affect congressional interest in Central American gangs: a truce between rival gangs has lowered violence in El Salvador, and the U.S. Treasury Department has designated the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) as a significant transnational criminal organization (TCO). MS-13 and its main rival, the '18th Street' gang (also known as M-18), continue to threaten citizen security and challenge government authority in Central America. Gang-related violence has been particularly acute in Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala, which have had among the highest homicide rates in the world. Recently, some governments have moved away from repressive anti-gang strategies, with the government of El Salvador now facilitating a historic-- and risky--truce involving the country's largest gangs. The truce has contributed to a large reduction in homicides since March 2012, but robberies, assaults, and extortions have continued. The truce carries risks for the Salvadoran government, such as what might happen if the gangs were to walk away from the truce stronger, better organized, and with more political clout. […] This report describes the gang problem in Central America, discusses country and regional approaches to deal with the gangs, and analyzes U.S. policy with respect to gangs in Central America."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Seelke, Clare Ribando

  2013-01-28
• Iraq: Politics, Governance, and Human Rights [January 15, 2013]

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  "Accelerating violence and growing political schisms call into question whether the fragile stability left in place in Iraq after the U.S. withdrawal from Iraq will collapse. Iraq's stability is increasingly threatened by a revolt--with both peaceful and violent aspects--by Sunni Arab Muslims who resent Shiite political domination. Sunni Arabs, always fearful that Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki would seek unchallenged power, accuse him of attempting to marginalize them politically by arresting or attempting to remove key Sunni leaders. Sunni demonstrations have grown since late December 2012 over Maliki's moves against leading Sunni figures. Iraq's Kurds are increasingly aligned with the Sunnis, based on their own disputes with Maliki over territorial, political, and economic issues. The Shiite faction of Moqtada Al Sadr has been leaning to the Sunnis and Kurds and could hold the key to Maliki's political survival. Adding to the schisms is the physical incapacity of President Jalal Talabani, a Kurd who has served as a key mediator, who suffered a stroke in mid-December 2012. The growing rifts raise the potential for early national elections, originally due for 2014 but which could be advanced to coincide with provincial elections in April 2013. The violent component of revolt is spearheaded by Sunni insurgents linked to Al Qaeda in Iraq (AQ-I), perhaps emboldened by the Sunni-led uprising in Syria. They have conducted numerous complex attacks against Shiite religious pilgrims and neighborhoods and Iraqi Security Force (ISF) members. The attacks are intended to reignite all-out sectarian conflict, but have failed to do so to date. There are concerns whether the ISF--which numbers nearly 700,000 members-- can counter the violence now that U.S. troops are no longer in Iraq; U.S. forces left in December 2011 in line with a November 2008 bilateral U.S.-Iraq Security Agreement. The Iraqis refused to extend the presence of U.S. troops in Iraq, believing Iraq could handle violence on its own and seeking to put behind it the period of U.S. occupation and political and military tutelage."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Katzman, Kenneth

  2013-01-15
• Algeria: Current Issues [November 18, 2013]

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  "U.S.-Algerian ties have grown over the past decade as the United States has come to view Algeria as a key partner in countering Al Qaeda-linked groups in North and West Africa. Algeria is also a significant source of petroleum for the United States and of natural gas for Europe, and its energy sector is a destination for U.S. investment. Congress appropriates and oversees small amounts of foreign aid and reviews notifications of arms sales. Algerian security forces also benefit from U.S. cooperation programs. Obama Administration officials have stated a desire to deepen and broaden bilateral ties, including in the aftermath of a four-day terrorist hostage seizure at a natural gas compound in southeastern Algeria in January 2013, in which three Americans were killed. The attack highlighted the challenges the United States faces in advancing and protecting its interests in an increasingly volatile region. The terrorist group that seized the hostages is a breakaway faction of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), a regional network and U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization with roots in Algeria's 1990s civil conflict. Given Algeria's large military and available financial resources, U.S. officials have expressed support for Algerian efforts to marshal a regional response to terrorist threats. Yet Algeria's relations with neighboring states are complex and sometimes distrustful, at times hindering cooperation. Meanwhile, any U.S. unilateral action in response to regional security threats could present significant risks and opportunity costs."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Arieff, Alexis

  2013-11-18
• Mexico's New Administration: Priorities and Key Issues in U.S.-Mexican Relations [January 16, 2013]

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  "Congress has maintained significant interest in Mexico and played an important role in shaping bilateral relations. Recently, the centrist Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) that governed Mexico from 1929 to 2000 retook the presidency after 12 years of rule by the conservative National Action Party (PAN) in the July 1, 2012 elections. The party also captured a plurality (but not a majority) in Mexico's Senate and Chamber of Deputies. PRI President Enrique Peña Nieto, a former governor of the state of Mexico, took office on December 1, 2012, pledging to enact bold structural reforms and broaden relations with the United States beyond security issues. U.S. policymakers are closely following what the return of a PRI government portends for Mexico's domestic policies and relations with the United States. […] This report, which will be updated, provides an overview of the leadership, priorities, and prospects for Mexico's new administration. It then briefly analyzes how those priorities may affect key bilateral issues of interest to the 113th Congress and suggests possible questions for oversight related to each issue area. The report concludes with an outlook section containing key questions that may be used to assess the Peña Nieto Administration and its impact on U.S.- Mexican relations."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Seelke, Clare Ribando

  2013-01-16
• Central Asia's New States: Political Developments and Implications for U.S. Interests [April 1, 2003]

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  "After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the United States recognized the independence of all the former Central Asian republics and established diplomatic relations with each by mid-March 1992. The United States also supported their admission to the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and other Western organizations, and elicited Turkish support in countering Iranian influence in the region. Congress was at the forefront in urging the formation of coherent U.S. policies for aiding these and other Eurasian states of the former Soviet Union, and approved the Freedom Support Act and other legislation for this purpose. Soon after the terrorist attacks on America on September 11, 2001, all the Central Asian states offered overflight and other support to coalition anti-terrorist efforts in Afghanistan. Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan have hosted coalition troops and provided access to airbases. After 9/11, the United States boosted its security assistance throughout the region for anti-terrorism, counter-narcotics, non-proliferation, border and customs, and defense cooperation programs, while also increasing aid for democratization and free market reforms. U.S. policy goals in Central Asia include fostering stability, democratization, free market economies, free trade and transport throughout the Eurasian corridor, denuclearization in the non-Russian states, and adherence to international human rights standards."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Nichol, James P.

  2003-04-01
• Issues in Homeland Security Policy for the 113th Congress [February 27, 2013]

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  "This report outlines an array of homeland security issues that may come before the 113th Congress. After a brief discussion of the overall homeland security budget, the report divides the specific issues into five broad categories: [1] Counterterrorism and Security Management, [2] Border Security and Trade, [3] Immigration, [4] Disaster Preparedness, Response, and Recovery, and [5] Departmental Management. Each of those areas contains a survey of topics briefly analyzed by Congressional Research Service [CRS] experts. The information included only scratches the surface on most of these issues. More detailed information can be obtained by consulting the CRS reports referenced herein, or by contacting the relevant CRS expert."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Painter, William L.

  2013-03-01
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated April 6, 2006]

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  "The end of the Cold War freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, but interactions continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry and nuclear weapons proliferation in the region. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations, with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led counterterrorism operations after September 2001 was widely viewed as reflective of such change. Today, President Bush calls India a 'natural partner' of the United States and his Administration seeks to assist India's rise as a major power in the new century.:

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2006-04-06
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated May 18, 2005]

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  "The end of the Cold War freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, but interactions continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry and nuclear weapons proliferation in the region. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations, with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led counterterrorism operations after September 2001 was widely viewed as reflective of such change. Today, the Bush Administration vows to 'help India become a major world power in the 21st century.' Continuing U.S. interest in South Asia focuses on tension and conflict between India and Pakistan, a problem rooted in unfinished business from the 1947 Partition and competing claims to the former princely state of Kashmir. The United States strongly encourages maintenance of a cease-fire in Kashmir and continued, substantive dialogue between India and Pakistan."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2005-05-18
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated July 15, 2005]

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  "The end of the Cold War freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, but interactions continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry and nuclear weapons proliferation in the region. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations, with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led counterterrorism operations after September 2001 was widely viewed as reflective of such change. Today, the Bush Administration vows to 'help India become a major world power in the 21st century.' Continuing U.S. interest in South Asia focuses on tension and conflict between India and Pakistan, a problem rooted in unfinished business from the 1947 Partition and competing claims to the former princely state of Kashmir. The United States strongly encourages maintenance of a cease-fire in Kashmir and continued, substantive dialogue between India and Pakistan."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2005-07-15
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated November 4, 2004]

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  "The end of the Cold War freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, but New Delhi-Washington relations continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations, with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led counterterrorism operations after September 2001 was widely viewed as reflective of such change. Continuing U.S. interest in South Asia focuses especially on the historic and ongoing tensions between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan, tensions rooted in unfinished business from the 1947 Partition, and competing claims to the former princely state of Kashmir. The United States strongly encourages maintenance of a cease-fire along the Kashmiri Line of Control and continued, substantive dialogue between India and Pakistan."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2004-11-04
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated August 1, 2005]

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  "The end of the Cold War freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, but interactions continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry and nuclear weapons proliferation in the region. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations, with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led counterterrorism operations after September 2001 was widely viewed as reflective of such change. Today, the Bush Administration vows to 'help India become a major world power in the 21st century.' Continuing U.S. interest in South Asia focuses on tension and conflict between India and Pakistan, a problem rooted in unfinished business from the 1947 Partition and competing claims to the former princely state of Kashmir. The United States strongly encourages maintenance of a cease-fire in Kashmir and continued, substantive dialogue between India and Pakistan."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2005-08-01
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated November 15, 2005]

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  "The end of the Cold War freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, but interactions continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry and nuclear weapons proliferation in the region. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations, with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led counterterrorism operations after September 2001 was widely viewed as reflective of such change. Today, the Bush Administration vows to 'help India become a major world power in the 21st century.'"

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2005-11-15
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated July 29, 2004]

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  "The end of the Cold War freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, but New Delhi-Washington relations continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations, with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led counterterrorism operations after September 2001 was widely viewed as reflective of such change. Continuing U.S. interest in South Asia focuses especially on the historic and ongoing tensions between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan, tensions rooted in unfinished business from the 1947 Partition, and competing claims to the former princely state of Kashmir. The United States strongly encourages maintenance of a cease-fire along the Kashmiri Line of Control and continued, substantive dialogue between India and Pakistan."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2004-07-29
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated July 15, 2003]

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  "Although the end of the cold war freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, New Delhi-Washington relations continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations,with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led anti-terrorism operations after the September 2001 attacks on the United States is widely viewed as reflective of such change. Continuing U.S. concern in South Asia focuses especially on the historic and ongoing tensions between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan, tensions rooted in unfinished business from the 1947 Partition, and competing claims to the former princely state of Kashmir. The United States also seeks to prevent the regional proliferation of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. Both India and Pakistan have so far resisted U.S. and international pressure to sign the major international nonproliferation treaties."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2003-07-15
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated June 12, 2003]

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  "Although the end of the cold war freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, New Delhi-Washington relations continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations,with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led anti-terrorism operations after the September 2001 attacks on the United States is widely viewed as reflective of such change. Continuing U.S. concern in South Asia focuses especially on the historic and ongoing tensions between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan, tensions rooted in unfinished business from the 1947 Partition, and competing claims to the former princely state of Kashmir. The United States also seeks to prevent the regional proliferation of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. Both India and Pakistan have so far resisted U.S. and international pressure to sign the major international nonproliferation treaties."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2003-06-12
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated August 12, 2003]

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  "Although the end of the cold war freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, New Delhi-Washington relations continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations,with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led anti-terrorism operations after September 2001 is widely viewed as reflective of such change. Continuing U.S. concern in South Asia focuses especially on the historic and ongoing tensions between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan, tensions rooted in unfinished business from the 1947 Partition, and competing claims to the former princely state of Kashmir. The United States also seeks to prevent the regional proliferation of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. Both India and Pakistan have so far resisted U.S. and international pressure to sign the major international nonproliferation treaties."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2003-08-12
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated July 31, 2006]

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  "The end of the Cold War freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, but interactions continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry and nuclear weapons proliferation in the region. The new century, however, has witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations, with far more positive interactions becoming the norm. Today, President George W. Bush calls India a 'natural partner' of the United States and his Administration seeks to assist India's rise as a major power. In July 2005, President Bush and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh issued a Joint Statement resolving to establish a 'global partnership' between their two countries through increased cooperation on numerous economic, security, and global issues. In this Joint Statement, the Bush Administration dubbed India 'a responsible state with advanced nuclear technology' and vowed to achieve 'full civilian nuclear energy cooperation' with India. As a reversal of three decades of U.S. nonproliferation policy, such proposed cooperation is controversial and would require changes in both U.S. law and international guidelines (Congress has taken action on enabling legislation - H.R. 5682 and S. 3709 - in the summer of 2006). Also in 2005, the United States and India signed a ten-year defense framework agreement that calls for expanding bilateral security cooperation. Since 2002, the United States and India have engaged in numerous and unprecedented combined military exercises. Discussions of possible sales to India of major U.S.-built weapons systems are ongoing."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2006-07-31
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated February 9, 2006]

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  "The end of the Cold War freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, but interactions continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry and nuclear weapons proliferation in the region. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations, with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led counterterrorism operations after September 2001 was widely viewed as reflective of such change. Today, the Bush Administration vows to 'help India become a major world power in the 21st century.'"

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2006-02-09
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated May 20, 2004]

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  "The end of the Cold War freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, but New Delhi-Washington relations continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations, with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led counterterrorism operations after September 2001 was widely viewed as reflective of such change. Continuing U.S. interest in South Asia focuses especially on the historic and ongoing tensions between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan, tensions rooted in unfinished business from the 1947 Partition, and competing claims to the former princely state of Kashmir. The United States strongly encourages maintenance of a cease-fire along the Kashmiri Line of Control and continued, substantive dialogue between India and Pakistan."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2004-05-20
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated December 3, 2003]

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  "Although the end of the Cold War freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, New Delhi-Washington relations continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations,with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led anti-terrorism operations after September 2001 is widely viewed as reflective of such change. Continuing U.S. concern in South Asia focuses especially on the historic and ongoing tensions between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan, tensions rooted in unfinished business from the 1947 Partition, and competing claims to the former princely state of Kashmir. The United States also seeks to prevent the regional proliferation of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. Both India and Pakistan have so far resisted U.S. and international pressure to sign the major international nonproliferation treaties."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2009-01-30
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated February 25, 2004]

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  "The end of the Cold War freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, but New Delhi-Washington relations continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations, with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led anti-terrorism operations after September 2001 is widely viewed as reflective of such change. Continuing U.S. interest in South Asia focuses especially on the historic and ongoing tensions between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan, tensions rooted in unfinished business from the 1947 Partition, and competing claims to the former princely state of Kashmir. The United States strongly encourages maintenance of a cease-fire along the Line of Control and continued, substantive dialogue between India and Pakistan."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2004-02-25
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated November 7, 2003]

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  "Although the end of the Cold War freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, New Delhi-Washington relations continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations,with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led anti-terrorism operations after September 2001 is widely viewed as reflective of such change. Continuing U.S. concern in South Asia focuses especially on the historic and ongoing tensions between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan, tensions rooted in unfinished business from the 1947 Partition, and competing claims to the former princely state of Kashmir. The United States also seeks to prevent the regional proliferation of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. Both India and Pakistan have so far resisted U.S. and international pressure to sign the major international nonproliferation treaties."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2003-11-07
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated October 9, 2003]

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  "Although the end of the Cold War freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, New Delhi-Washington relations continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations,with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led anti-terrorism operations after September 2001 is widely viewed as reflective of such change. Continuing U.S. concern in South Asia focuses especially on the historic and ongoing tensions between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan, tensions rooted in unfinished business from the 1947 Partition, and competing claims to the former princely state of Kashmir. The United States also seeks to prevent the regional proliferation of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. Both India and Pakistan have so far resisted U.S. and international pressure to sign the major international nonproliferation treaties."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2003-10-09
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated May 9, 2003]

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  "Although the end of the cold war freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, New Delhi-Washington relations continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations, with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led anti-terrorism operations after the September 2001 attacks on the United States is widely viewed as reflective of such change. Continuing U.S. concern in South Asia focuses especially on the historic and ongoing tensions between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan, tensions rooted in unfinished business from the 1947 Partition, and competing claims to the former princely state of Kashmir. The United States also seeks to prevent the regional proliferation of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. Both India and Pakistan have so far resisted U.S. and international pressure to sign the major international nonproliferation treaties."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2003-05-09
• India-U.S. Relations [Updated April 8, 2003]

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  "Although the end of the cold war freed India-U.S. relations from the constraints of global bipolarity, New Delhi-Washington relations continued for a decade to be affected by the burden of history, most notably the longstanding India-Pakistan rivalry. Recent years, however, have witnessed a sea change in bilateral relations, with more positive interactions becoming the norm. India's swift offer of full support for U.S.-led anti-terrorism operations after the September 2001 attacks on the United States is widely viewed as reflective of such change. Continuing U.S. concern in South Asia focuses especially on the historic and ongoing tensions between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan, tensions rooted in unfinished business from the 1947 Partition, and competing claims to the former princely state of Kashmir. The United States also seeks to prevent the regional proliferation of nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles. Both India and Pakistan have so far resisted U.S. and international pressure to sign the major international nonproliferation treaties."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Kronstadt, K. Alan

  2003-04-08