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Reforming U.S. Export Controls Reforms: Advancing U.S. Army Interests
"The Barack Obama administration has launched an
Export Control Reform (ECR) program to improve the
regulations and procedures for controlling the export
of U.S. weapons as well as dual-use equipment and
technology. Emphasizing that international economic
competitiveness is a core component of national security,
the administration's stated aim is for the ECR to
increase U.S. exports and jobs as well as to strengthen
U.S. national security and protect U.S. military
technologies.
The Obama administration began by establishing
an interagency task force that, unsurprisingly, concluded
that the existing U.S. defense export control
system-the International Traffic in Arms Regulations-is
overly complicated, excessively redundant,
and attempts to be too protective. The administration
has since been making reforms to U.S. export controls
to reduce impediments to U.S. foreign sales and partnerships,
while increasing the benefits to U.S. national
security through increased interoperability with
stronger allies."
Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute
Weitz, Richard
2015-12
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Project on National Security Reform: Case Studies Working Group Report, Volume II
From the Strategic Studies Institute website: "The case studies in this volume confirm the conclusions of other PNSR [Project on National Security Reform] analyses that the performance of the U.S. national security apparatus in inconsistent. Although some cases illustrate relatively clear, integrated strategy development, unified policy implementation, and coherent tactical planning, coordination, and execution; others depict flawed, divided, contradictory, and sometimes nonexistent strategy promulgation and enactment. Similarly, the U.S. national security system can provide resources efficiently, but it also can do so inadequately and tardily. Flawed responses recur in issue areas as diverse as biodefense, public diplomacy, and military intervention. They also occur across many presidential administrations, from the onset of the Cold War to the present day. The piecemeal organizational reforms enacted to date have not fostered improved policy outcomes or decisionmaking, while capability building, especially in the civilian national security agencies, remains less than optimal."
Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute
Weitz, Richard
2012-03
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Reserve Policies of Nations: A Comparative Analysis
"Throughout the world, military reserves are changing. National governments are transforming the relationships between their active and reserve components; the allocation of roles and responsibilities among reserve forces; and the way they train, equip, and employ reservists. One central precept is driving these changes: Nations no longer consider their reservists as strategic assets suitable primarily for mobilization during major wars. Whereas previously they managed reservists as supplementary forces for use mainly during national emergencies, major governments now increasingly treat reservists as complementary and integral components of their 'total' military forces. This increased reliance on reserve components presents national defense planners with many challenges. Recruiting and retaining reservists has become more difficult as many individuals have concluded they cannot meet the additional demands of reserve service. Defense planners must also continue to refine the optimal distribution of skills and assets between regular and reserve forces. Finally, national governments need to find the resources to sustain the increased use of reservists without bankrupting their defense budgets or undermining essential employer support for the overall concept of part-time soldiers with full-time civilian jobs."
Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute
Weitz, Richard
2007-09
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Transatlantic Defense Troubles
From the Center of Contemporary Conflict, "This article examines European countries' contributions to NATO. The author argues that European defense cuts are threatening core NATO military capabilities and deepening fears of the emergence of an alliance with a small number of important military powers and a large number of free riders." The article begins with the following introduction, "In his last major policy speech as Secretary of Defense, Robert Gates on June 10 made his most public rebuke ever of Europe's failure to provide adequate defense resources in international missions. Before a meeting of the influential Security and Defense Agenda in Brussels, Gates complained that NATO had finally become what he had long feared: a 'two-tiered alliance' divided between those few allies that engage in 'hard' combat missions and the overwhelming majority of those members that can only contribute extensively to 'soft' non-combat humanitarian, peacekeeping, and development missions. Gates noted that proposed NATO-wide reforms and efficiency measures would at best have a limited impact; ultimately, our European allies would need to spend more on defense. He cited the Libyan campaign as providing ample evidence of the problems arising from lackluster European defense spending."
Naval Postgraduate School (U.S.). Center for Contemporary Conflict
Weitz, Richard
2011
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Why Russia and China Have Not Formed an Anti-American Alliance
"Since the Cold War's end, many analysts have expected China and Russia to cooperate vigorously to counter U.S. geopolitical superiority. Although Chinese and Russian leaders have collaborated on some issues, substantial obstacles have impeded their forming an anti-American bloc. This failure of the two strongest countries with both the capacity and (arguably) incentives to counterbalance U.S. power and influence in world affairs suggests why the United States continues to enjoy unprecedented global preeminence. This article analyzes why Russia and China have not allied against the United States and offers policy recommendations on how to avert such an anti-U.S. bloc in the future."
Naval War College (U.S.). Press
Weitz, Richard
2003
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Turkey's New Regional Security Role: Implications for the United States
From the Foreword: "Since the Cold War era, when the United States began heavily investing in Turkey's military and defense operations, the United States and Turkey have enjoyed a fruitful and mutually beneficial relationship. Because of Turkey's geographic location, political stability, and recent economic success, the country has served as a strategic ally in U.S. foreign policy. The Arab uprisings in particular have challenged the Turkish-U.S. partnership. For a country that was already struggling to balance its position as a regional power with the imperative of maintaining good relations with its Western allies, the increasing instability in the region has forced Ankara to rely more on the United States than it would prefer. Although the Syrian conflict has underscored to Turkey the value of its security ties with the United States, the war has also exposed deep differences between the two countries on fundamental issues. While presently partially buried, these differences could easily rise to the surface in coming years."
Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute
Weitz, Richard
2014-09
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Russian-American Security Cooperation after St. Petersburg: Challenges and Opportunities
"This monograph assesses the opportunities for further security cooperation between Russia and the United States. It argues that, until a change of government occurs in both countries in 2008, the prospects for additional bilateral agreements to reduce strategic nuclear weapons, limit destabilizing military operations, jointly develop ballistic missile defenses, and enhance transparency regarding tactical nuclear weapons are unlikely. Near-term opportunities for collaboration in the areas of cooperative threat reduction, third-party proliferation, and bilateral military engagement appear greater. Accordingly, this monograph offers some suggestions for accelerating progress in these areas. Ironically, the substantial improvement in Russian- American security relations during the last decade has decreased the prospects for further formal comprehensive bilateral agreements to reduce both countries' strategic nuclear arsenals. Despite some Russian interest in negotiating another comprehensive Russian-American arms control agreement, the Bush administration has repeatedly indicated that it considers comprehensive strategic arms control treaties largely irrelevant in today's world. The administration has also rebuffed Russian efforts to extend operational arms control agreements and take other steps to restrict the deployment of nuclear forces. U.S. officials argue that implementation of the May 2002 Russian-American Strategic Offensive Reductions Treaty (SORT) should suffice to place the bilateral strategic relationship on a stable basis since the treaty provides for major reductions in both sides' current nuclear arsenals."
Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute
Weitz, Richard
2007-04
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China-Russia Security Relations: Strategic Parallelism without Partnership or Passion
This paper from the Strategic Studies Institute of the Army War College discusses the relationship between China and Russia, as well as the implications of these relations on U.S. policy. "Since the end of the Cold War, the improved political and economic relationship between Beijing and Moscow has affected a range of international security issues. China and Russia have expanded their bilateral economic and security cooperation. In addition, Beijing and Moscow have pursued distinct, yet parallel, policies regarding many global and regional issues. Yet, Chinese and Russian approaches to a range of significant subjects are still largely uncoordinated and at times conflict. Economic exchanges between China and Russia remain minimal compared to those found between most friendly countries, let alone allies. Although stronger Chinese-Russian ties could present greater challenges to other states (e.g., the establishment of a Beijing-Moscow condominium over Central Asia), several factors make it unlikely that the two countries will form such a bloc. […]. Nevertheless, prudent U.S. national security planners should prepare for possible major discontinuities in Sino-Russian relations. American officials should employ a mixture of 'shaping and hedging' policies that aim to avert a hostile Chinese- Russian alignment while concurrently preparing the United States to better counter such a development should it arise."
Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute
Weitz, Richard
2008-08
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Parsing Chinese-Russian Military Exercises
This is part of "The Letort Papers," a series provided by the Army War College Strategic Studies Institute. Taken from the Summary: "China and Russia have engaged in an increasing number of joint exercises in recent years. These drills aim to help the two countries deter, and if necessary defeat, potential threats-such as Islamist terrorists trying to destabilize Central Asian governments-while also reassuring their allies that China and Russia will protect them from such threats. Furthermore, the recurring exercises, and other joint Russia-China military activities, have a mutual reassurance function insofar as they inform Moscow and Beijing about the other's military potential and thereby build mutual confidence. Finally, the joint exercises attempt to communicate the message to third parties, especially the United States, that China and Russia have a genuine security partnership that extends to cover Central Asia (a region of great importance for Moscow and Beijing) and possibly other areas such as Northeast Asia. Although still limited in key aspects, the Sino-Russian defense relationship deserves to be monitored by the United States as potentially one of the most significant international security developments of recent years."
Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute
Weitz, Richard
2015-04
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Promoting U.S.-Indian Defense Cooperation: Opportunities and Obstacles
"This monograph analyzes one of the most crucial U.S. security relationships. India is the most populous democracy, while the United States is the oldest. India's growing global influence generates new partnership opportunities regarding counterterrorism, regional security, foreign arms sales, and international defense interoperability. The U.S.-Indian relationship has greatly improved under recent U.S. Presidential administrations, with bipartisan support in the U.S. national security community. The previous Obama administration continued the process of building U.S.-Indian military ties that began after the Cold War. Recent progress has included deepening defense-industrial collaboration, increasing intelligence sharing, expanding cooperation into East Asia, and normalizing U.S.-Indian nuclear ties. With the advent of a new U.S. Presidential administration, the value of strong U.S.-Indian security ties persists. In the words of former Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter, 'the U.S.-India relationship is destined to be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century.'"
Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute
Weitz, Richard
2017-06
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Assessing the Collective Security Treaty Organization: Capabilities and Vulnerabilities
"The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) has been one of the Russian Federation's more visible forays down the path of regional hegemony. Under the leadership of President Vladimir Putin, Moscow has been promoting a series of increasingly ambitious Russian-led multilateral institutions. The CSTO has helped restore Moscow's military power in Central Asia and the South Caucasus. Although originally designed for mutual defense, CSTO members employ the organization to counter transnational threats such as cyber vulnerabilities, narcotics trafficking, transnational crime, and terrorism. Member countries further collaborate on arms sales and manufacturing, military facilities and training, regional security consultations, and conducting joint military exercises. In addition, the development of some permanent bodies in recent years demonstrates increased integration among CSTO members. Moscow uses the CSTO to pursue a variety of goals such as power projection, legitimation of its policies, and constraints on member states. Although Russia dominates the CSTO, the organization is weak. Its member governments continue to disagree on important issues and have failed to act in Ukraine or Syria. The weakness of the CSTO has hindered Russia's ability to pursue its goals through the organization and provides an opening for skilled U.S. leadership."
Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute
Weitz, Richard
2018-10
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Post-START Negotiations
This issue is from the March 2010 issue of WMD Insights, a publication sponsored by the Defense Threat Reduction Agency "intended to provide timely and noteworthy unclassified information on international attitudes towards weapons of mass destruction and efforts to curb their proliferation." From the article: "Throughout 2009, President Barack Obama and his senior foreign policy advisers sought to 'reset' relations with Russia by, among other means, returning to the traditional approach toward bilateral strategic arms control negotiations pursued by U.S. administrations during the 1980s and 1990s. Early in the administration's term, two influential bipartisan study groups organized by the Council on Foreign Relations and the U.S. Institute of Peace also endorsed negotiating additional U.S.-Russian nuclear arms control agreements. After an initial internal review and successful talks between Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov in Geneva on March 6, the Obama administration decided to try to negotiate new limits on their long-range ballistic missiles and bombers before the START [Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty] accord expired on December 5, 2009. The Russian government, having urged such talks for several years, concurred with this timeline. Meeting this ambitious goal proved too challenging. The December 5 deadline came and went without a new accord to take START's place. Russian and U.S. officials could not reach agreement regarding the precise number of strategic nuclear delivery vehicles (SNDV s) each side could retain, the number of warheads they could carry, the rules for counting these systems, how to verify any agreement, and other issues." Note: This document has been added to the Homeland Security Digital Library in agreement with the Project on Advanced Systems and Concepts for Countering WMD (PASCC) as part of the PASCC collection. Permission to download and/or retrieve this resource has been obtained through PASCC.
United States. Defense Threat Reduction Agency
Weitz, Richard
2010-03
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