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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [June 8, 2011]
"The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance facilitates the forward deployment of about 36,000 U.S. troops and other U.S. military assets in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy in the region. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. […] However, the economic problems in Japan and the United States associated with the credit crisis and the related economic recession, together with the impact of the March 11 disasters, will likely dominate the bilateral economic agenda for the foreseeable future. Japan has been hit particularly hard by the financial crisis and the subsequent economic downturn. Japan's gross domestic product (GDP) declined 1.2% in 2008 and 5.3% in 2009 but grew 4.0% in 2010. It is expected to increase only 1.0% in 2011 as a result of the March 11 earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear accident. The value of the yen has appreciated and has hit 15-year highs in terms of the U.S. dollar, which could adversely affect Japanese exports to the United States and other countries, contributing to the downturn in Japanese economic growth."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Nanto, Dick Kazuyuki; Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma . . .
2011-06-08
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Kaesong North-South Korean Industrial Complex [March 17, 2011]
"This purpose of this report is to provide an overview of the role, purposes, and results of the Kaesong Industrial Complex (KIC) and examine U.S. interests, policy issues, options, and legislation. The KIC is a six-year old industrial park located in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea) just across the demilitarized zone from South Korea. As of the end of 2010, over 120 medium-sized South Korean companies were employing over 47,000 North Korean workers to manufacture products in Kaesong. The facility, which in 2010 produced $323 million in output, has the land and infrastructure to house two to three times as many firms and workers. Products vary widely, and include clothing and textiles (71 firms), kitchen utensils (4 firms), auto parts (4 firms), semiconductor parts (2 firms), and toner cartridges (1 firm). Despite a rise in tensions between North and South Korea since early 2008, the complex has continued to operate and expand. The KIC was not shut down in 2010 despite two violent incidents between the two Koreas that year: the March sinking of a South Korean naval vessel, the Cheonan, which was found to be caused by a North Korean torpedo, and North Korea's artillery attack on a South Korean island in November. Indeed, the complex has become virtually the last vestige of inter-Korean cooperation. After the Cheonan sinking, South Korea announced it would cut off all inter-Korean economic relations except the Kaesong complex. It also has reduced the number of South Korean workers--primarily government officials and business managers--at the complex because of worries about them being taken hostage by North Korea."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Nanto, Dick Kazuyuki
2011-03-17
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [March 24, 2011]
"The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance facilitates the forward deployment of about 36,000 U.S. troops and other U.S. military assets in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy in the region. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. U.S.-Japan relations have been adjusting to the Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) landslide victory in the August 30, 2009, elections for the Lower House of Japan's legislature. The DPJ's victory appears to mark the end of an era in Japan; it was the first time Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was voted out of office. The LDP had ruled Japan virtually uninterrupted since 1955. Since the resignation of the DPJ's first prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, in June 2010, bilateral relations have been smoother under the leadership of Naoto Kan. Although in the past some members of the DPJ have questioned and/or voted against several features of the alliance, the party appears to have shifted its strategic thinking after a series of provocations from North Korea and indications of growing assertiveness from the Chinese military in disputed waters in 2010."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2011-03-24
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Non-Governmental Organizations' Activities in North Korea [March 25, 2011]
"A number of non-governmental organizations (NGOs)--non-profit, charitable institutions--have been active in North Korea since the mid-1990s. Although their work is relatively limited in scope, it is of interest to U.S. policy-makers because of the deep isolation of the regime in Pyongyang. Several American and international NGOs have provided assistance to North Korea in humanitarian relief, development, health, informal diplomacy, science, communication and education. A relatively recent trend is that a growing number of NGOs, particularly in South Korea, are run by or have North Korean defectors on staff. Non-governmental organizations' activities in North Korea have stirred some controversy. Some observers believe that NGOs' projects represent one of the few ways to improve the lives of ordinary North Koreans, and that their work provides first-hand accounts about social conditions in North Korea. Some NGOs have a comparative advantage in dealing with North Korea, with over a decade's experience working with North Korean officials and institutions. However, others argue that NGOs' programs aid North Korea's regime, and that given the lack of transparency and tight restrictions imposed on them by the regime, their funds are vulnerable to diversion by North Korean officials."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Taylor, Mi Ae
2011-03-25
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Kaesong North-South Korean Industrial Complex [April 18, 2011]
"This purpose of this report is to provide an overview of the role, purposes, and results of the Kaesong Industrial Complex (KIC) and examine U.S. interests, policy issues, options, and legislation. The KIC is a six-year-old industrial park located in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea) just across the demilitarized zone from South Korea. As of the end of 2010, over 120 medium-sized South Korean companies were employing over 47,000 North Korean workers to manufacture products in Kaesong. The facility, which in 2010 produced $323 million in output, has the land and infrastructure to house two to three times as many firms and workers. Products vary widely, and include clothing and textiles (71 firms), kitchen utensils (4 firms), auto parts (4 firms), semiconductor parts (2 firms), and toner cartridges (1 firm). Despite a rise in tensions between North and South Korea since early 2008, the complex has continued to operate and expand. The KIC was not shut down in 2010 despite two violent incidents between the two Koreas that year: the March sinking of a South Korean naval vessel, the Cheonan, which was found to be caused by a North Korean torpedo, and North Korea's artillery attack on a South Korean island in November. Indeed, the complex has become virtually the last vestige of inter-Korean cooperation. After the Cheonan sinking, South Korea announced it would cut off all inter-Korean economic relations except the Kaesong complex. It also has reduced the number of South Korean workers--primarily government officials and business managers--at the complex because of worries about them being taken hostage by North Korea."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Nanto, Dick Kazuyuki; Manyin, Mark E.
2011-04-18
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China-North Korea Relations [December 28, 2010]
"The People's Republic of China (PRC) plays a key role in U.S. policy toward the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK or North Korea). The PRC is North Korea's closest ally, largest provider of food, fuel, and industrial machinery, and arguably the country most able to wield influence in Pyongyang. China also is the host of the Six-Party Talks (involving the United States, China, North Korea, South Korea, Japan, and Russia) over North Korea's nuclear program. The close PRC-DPRK relationship is of interest to U.S. policymakers because China plays a pivotal role in the success of U.S. efforts to halt the DPRK's nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs, to prevent nuclear proliferation, to enforce economic sanctions, and to ensure that North Korean refugees that cross into China receive humane treatment. Since late 2008, China has been not just the largest, but also the dominant, provider of aid and partner in trade with North Korea. This report provides a brief survey of China-North Korea relations, assesses PRC objectives and actions, and raises policy issues for the United States. While Beijing still maintains its military alliance and continues its substantial economic assistance to Pyongyang, in recent years many PRC and North Korean interests and goals appear to have grown increasingly incompatible. Increasingly, many Chinese officials and scholars appear to regard North Korea as more of a burden than a benefit. However, Beijing's shared interest with Pyongyang in preserving North Korean stability generally has trumped these other considerations."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Nanto, Dick Kazuyuki; Manyin, Mark E.
2010-12-28
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [January 13, 2011]
"The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance facilitates the forward deployment of about 36,000 U.S. troops and other U.S. military assets in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy in the region. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. U.S.-Japan relations have been adjusting to the Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) landslide victory in the August 30, 2009, elections for the Lower House of Japan's legislature. The DPJ's victory appears to mark the end of an era in Japan; it was the first time Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was voted out of office. The LDP had ruled Japan virtually uninterrupted since 1955. Since the resignation of the DPJ's first prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, in June 2010, bilateral relations have been smoother under the leadership of Naoto Kan. Although in the past some members of the DPJ have questioned and/or voted against several features of the alliance, the party appears to have shifted its strategic thinking after a series of provocations from North Korea and indications of growing assertiveness from the Chinese military in disputed waters in 2010."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2011-01-13
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [October 6, 2010]
"U.S.-Japan relations have been adjusting to the Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) landslide victory in the August 30, 2009, elections for the Lower House of Japan's legislature. With the resignation of the DPJ's first prime minister, Yukio Hatoyama, the United States must now adjust to the leadership of Naoto Kan, the new premier. [...] Japan is one of the United States' most important economic partners. Outside of North America, it is the United States' second-largest export market and second-largest source of imports. Japanese firms are the United States' second-largest source of foreign direct investment, and Japanese investors are the second-largest foreign holders of U.S. treasuries, helping to finance the U.S. deficit and reduce upward pressure on U.S. interest rates. Bilateral trade friction has decreased in recent years, partly because U.S. concern about the trade deficit with Japan has been replaced by concern about a much larger deficit with China. One exception was U.S. criticism over Japan's decision in 2003 to ban imports of U.S. beef, which have since resumed, but on a limited basis. However, the economic problems in Japan and the United States associated with the credit crisis and the related economic recession will likely dominate the bilateral economic agenda for the foreseeable future. Japan has been hit particularly hard by the financial crisis and subsequent recession. Japan's gross domestic product (GDP) declined 1.2% in 2008 and 5.3% in 2009 and is forecast to grow 3.0% in 2010. At the same time, the United States is showing signs of recovery. The value of the yen has appreciated and has hit 15-year highs in terms of the U.S. dollar, which could adversely affect Japanese exports to the United States and other countries, contributing to the downturn in Japanese economic growth."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2010-10-06
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Foreign Assistance to North Korea [March 12, 2010]
"Since 1995, the United States has provided North Korea with over $1.2 billion in assistance, of which about 60% has paid for food aid and about 40% for energy assistance. As of early March 2010, the United States is not providing any aid to North Korea, except for a small medical assistance program. The Obama Administration, along with the South Korean government, have said that they would be willing to provide large-scale aid if North Korea takes steps to irreversibly dismantle its nuclear program. The main vehicle for persuading Pyongyang to denuclearize is the Six-Party Talks, involving North Korea, the United States, China, South Korea, Japan, and Russia. The Talks have not met since late 2008. U.S. energy and food aid to North Korea fell significantly in the mid-2000s, bottoming out at zero in 2006. The Bush Administration resumed energy aid in the fall of 2007 after progress was made in the Six-Party Talks -- involving North Korea, the United States, China, Japan, and Russia -- over North Korea's nuclear program. The United States and other countries began providing heavy fuel oil (HFO) in return for Pyongyang freezing and disabling its plutonium-based nuclear facilities. However, no additional energy assistance has been provided through the Six-Party process since North Korea withdrew from the talks in 2009, following condemnation and sanctions by the U.N. Security Council for North Korea's April 2009 launch of a suspected longrange missile and May 2009 test of a nuclear device."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Manyin, Mark E.
2010-03-12
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North Korea: Back on the Terrorism List? [June 29, 2010]
"Whether North Korea should be included on the U.S. list of terrorism-supporting countries has been a major issue in U.S.-North Korean diplomacy since 2000, particularly in connection with negotiations over North Korea's nuclear program. North Korea demanded that the Clinton and Bush Administrations remove it from the terrorism support list. On October 11, 2008, the Bush Administration removed North Korea from the terrorism list. [...] This report describes the rationales for including North Korea on the terrorism list from 1987-2008, for North Korea's delisting in 2008, and the debate in 2010 over whether to re-list North Korea. The major impact of a decision to return North Korea to the list would likely be symbolic, because removing North Korea from the list does not appear to have provided Pyongyang with direct, tangible benefits."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.
2010-06-29
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [September 17, 2009]
"The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. […]. Following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, Japan made its first-ever military deployments in non-combat support of U.S. and allied forces in Afghanistan. In 2004 Tokyo sent non-combat troops to Iraq, despite considerable domestic opposition. In 2005 the United States and Japan announced a sweeping new agreement to strengthen military cooperation. The plan calls for U.S. forces to be realigned and Japan to take on a more active (non-combat) role in maintaining regional and global security. Since mid-2007, political turmoil and divided government in Tokyo slowed or stalled some of this progress in security relations. […]. Bilateral trade friction has decreased in recent years, partly because U.S. concern about the trade deficit with Japan has been replaced by concern about a much larger deficit with China. The exception was U.S. criticism over Japan's decision in 2003 to ban imports of U.S. beef, which have since resumed. However, the economic problems in Japan and United States associated with the credit crisis and the related economic recession and how the two countries deal with those problems will likely dominate their bilateral economic agenda for the foreseeable future. Japan has been hit particularly hard by the financial crisis and subsequent recession. Japan's gross domestic product (GDP) declined 0.7% in 2008 and is projected to decline by 6.2% by the end of 2009 with a modest rebound expected in 2010."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2009-09-17
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [September 2, 2009]
This CRS report discusses recent developments in Japan- U.S. relations, the North Korean Nuclear Test and Missile Launches, the Global Financial Crisis and Economic Downturn, and Political Paralysis in Tokyo, in addition to the following topics: major diplomatic and security issues, regional and historical issues, military issues, economic issues, and Japanese politics. "The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance, with its access to bases in Japan, where about 53,000 U.S. troops are stationed, facilitates the forward deployment of U.S. military forces in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2009-09-02
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Foreign Assistance to North Korea [September 9, 2009]
"Since 1995, the United States has provided North Korea with over $1.2 billion in assistance, about 60% of which has paid for food aid and about 40% for energy assistance. U.S. aid fell significantly in the mid-2000s, bottoming out at zero in 2006. The Bush Administration resumed energy aid in the fall of 2007, after progress was made in the Six-Party Talks over North Korea's nuclear program. [...]. Some have speculated that a desire for increased food donations led Pyongyang to moderate its behavior toward the United States and South Korea in the summer of 2009. If so, the Obama Administration must make a number of decisions, including: whether to resume food aid; if so, whether to condition all or part of its assistance on expansive levels of access and monitoring; and whether to pressure South Korea and China to impose similar conditions on their food aid. [...]. This report will be updated periodically to track changes in U.S. provision of aid to North Korea."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Manyin, Mark E.
2009-09-09
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South Korea: Its Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy Outlook [September 30, 2009]
This report discusses recent development in South Korea's domestic politics and its foreign policy outlook. More specific topics include President Lee's political standing, his handling of the South Korean Economy and challenges from the left; U.S.-ROK relations, issues in the U.S.-ROK military alliance, U.S. force deployment and base relocation plans, Wartime Operational Control (OPCON), and the KORUS FTA and economic issues; regional diplomacy including Inter-Korean relations, ROK-Japan relations, ROK-China relations, and ROK-Russia Relations; and options and implications for the United States.
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Konishi, Weston S.
2009-09-30
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Assistance to North Korea [May 20, 2009]
"Since 1995, the United States has provided North Korea with over $1.2 billion in assistance, about 60% of which has paid for food aid and about 40% for energy assistance. U.S. aid fell significantly in the mid-2000s, bottoming out at zero in 2006. The Bush Administration resumed energy aid in the fall of 2007, after progress was made in the Six-Party Talks over North Korea's nuclear program. […]. North Korea's failed satellite launch on April 5, 2009, which used ballistic missile-related technology, led to U.N. Security Council condemnation. In response, North Korea said it would abandon the Six-Party Talks, would restart its nuclear facilities and asked international and U.S. inspectors to leave the country. The United States had been providing technical assistance to North Korea to help in the nuclear disablement process. In 2008, Congress took legislative steps to legally enable the President to give expanded assistance for this purpose. In its FY2009 Supplemental Appropriations budget request, the Obama Administration has asked for over $150 million for North Korea-related energy and denuclearization assistance. This money would supplement existing resources in the event of a breakthrough with North Korea. In separate committee actions, House and Senate appropriators denied these requests. However, they did approve monies for the State Department's general emergency non-proliferation fund that the Administration could use in North Korea. […]. This report will be updated periodically to track changes in U.S. provision of aid to North Korea."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Manyin, Mark E.
2009-05-20
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [June 3, 2009]
This CRS report discusses recent developments in Japan- U.S. relations, the North Korean Nuclear Test and Missile Launches, the Global Financial Crisis and Economic Downturn, and Political Paralysis in Tokyo, in addition to the following topics: major diplomatic and security issues, regional and historical issues, military issues, economic issues, and Japanese politics.
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2009-06-03
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [February 24, 2010]
"The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance facilitates the forward deployment of about 36,000 U.S. troops and other U.S. military assets in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy in the region. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provides maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. U.S.-Japan relations have been adjusting to the Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) landslide victory in the August 30, 2009 elections for the Lower House of Japan's legislature. The victory gave the DPJ, under party president Yukio Hatoyama, control of the government. While most members of the left-of-center DPJ are broadly supportive of the U.S.-Japan alliance and the general thrust of Japanese foreign policy, in the past the party has questioned and/or voted against several features of the alliance, including base realignment and Japan's financial payments for U.S. forces stationed in Japan. The Party has put forward a foreign policy vision that envisions greater 'equality' in Japan's relations with the United States, in part through deeper engagement with Asia and a more United Nations-oriented diplomacy. The DPJ's victory appears to mark the end of an era in Japan; it was the first time Japan's Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was voted out of office. The LDP had ruled Japan virtually uninterrupted since 1955."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2010-02-24
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Foreign Assistance to North Korea [Updated May 26, 2005]
"Since 1995, the U.S. has provided over $1 billion in foreign assistance to the Democratic People's Republic of North Korea (DPRK, also known as North Korea), about 60% of which has taken the form of food aid, and about 40% in the form of energy assistance channeled through the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO). Additionally, the Bush Administration has proposed offering North Korea broad economic development assistance in exchange for Pyongyang verifiably dismantling its nuclear program and cooperating on other security-related issues. Although the President has considerable flexibility to offer some forms of short term development assistance, longer term aid would likely require congressional action."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.
2005-05-26
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Japan-North Korea Relations: Selected Issues [November 26, 2003]
From the Document: "Japan and North Korea have not established official relations since the Korean Peninsula, which the Japanese Empire annexed in 1910, was liberated from Japanese rule and divided into two separate states following Japan's defeat in World War II. Attempts to establish normal relations in the early 1990s and again in 2000 ended in failure, due to seemingly unresolvable obstacles. In September 2002, a one-day summit was held in Pyongyang between Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and North Korean leader Kim Jong-il, the first ever between the leaders of the two countries. Koizumi and Kim momentarily appeared to break longstanding stalemates on several issues and agreed to restart bilateral normalization talks, but the talks subsequently stalled, due to two developments: North Korea's apparent admission to U.S. officials in October 2002 that it had a secret nuclear weapons program based on the process of uranium enrichment; and popular outrage in Japan at Kim Jong-il's admission that North Korea kidnapped 13 Japanese in the 1970s and 1980 and brought them to North Korea to live. Subsequently, according to the North Korean government, eight of whom died."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.
2003-11-26
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South Korea-U.S. Economic Relations: Cooperation, Friction, and Future Prospects [Updated July 1, 2004]
"Korea is the U.S.'s seventh-largest trading partner- ahead of Western European countries such as France and Italy- and its sixth-largest export market. Korea has also become a significant investment site for American companies, which have poured nearly $20 billion into the country over the past seven years. In 2003, the U.S. was Korea's largest trading partner, and its second-largest export market, source of imports, and supplier of foreign direct investment (FDI). Increased economic interaction has been accompanied by numerous disagreements over trade policies. The intensity of the disputes has diminished considerably since the late 1980s and early 1990s, in part because South Korea has enacted a set of sweeping market-oriented reforms as a quid pro quo for receiving a $58 billion package from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) following the near collapse of the South Korean economy in 1997. In recent years, the United States and South Korea appear to have become more adept at managing their trade disputes, so that they tend to be less acrimonious than they were in the 1980s and 1990s. This is due in part to the quarterly, working-level bilateral trade meetings that were first held in early 2001. This report summarizes the main issues in U.S.-South Korean economic relations, including South Korea's economic prospects and economic reforms, and major bilateral economic disputes. The report will be updated periodically."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.
2004-07-01
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Japan's Political Turmoil in 2008: Background and Implications for the United States [September 16, 2008]
From the Document: "This report analyzes the factors behind and implications of Japan's current political turmoil." "On September 1, 2008, Japanese Prime Minister Yasuo Fukuda stunned observers by resigning his post, saying that a new leader might be able to avoid the 'political vacuum' that he faced in office. Fukuda's 11-month tenure was marked by low approval ratings, a sputtering economy, and virtual paralysis in policymaking, as the opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) used its control of the Upper House of Japan's parliament (the Diet) to delay or halt most government proposals. On September 22, the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) will elect a new president, who will become Japan's third prime minister in as many years. Ex-Foreign Minister Taro Aso, a popular figure known for his conservative foreign policy credentials and support for increased deficit spending, is widely expected to win. Many analysts expect that the new premier will dissolve the Lower House and call for parliamentary elections later in the fall. As a result, Japanese policymaking is likely to enter a period of disarray, which could negatively affect several items of interest to the United States, including the passage of budgets to support the realignment of U.S. forces in Japan and the renewal of legislation that authorizes the deployment of Japanese navy vessels that are refueling ships supporting U.S.-led operations in Afghanistan."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2008-09-16
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [Updated July 30, 2008]
This CRS report provides an update on Japan-U.S. relations and the issues for Congress that arise as a result of this relationship. The issues are wide-ranging and include: diplomacy, security, global, regional, historical, military and economic. "The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance, with its access to bases in Japan, where about 53,000 U.S. troops are stationed, facilitates the forward deployment of U.S. military forces in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. [...] Japan is one of the United States' most important economic partners. Outside of North America, it is the United States' largest export market and second-largest source of imports. Japanese firms are the United States' second-largest source of foreign direct investment, and Japanese investors are by far the largest foreign holders of U.S. treasuries, helping to finance the U.S. deficit and reduce upward pressure on U.S. interest rates. Bilateral trade friction has decreased in recent years, partly because U.S. concern about the trade deficit with Japan has been replaced by concern about a much larger deficit with China. The exception was U.S. criticism over Japan's decision in 2003 to ban imports of U.S. beef, which have since resumed."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Cooper, William H., 1949-; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Manyin, Mark E.
2008-07-30
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Imports from North Korea: Existing Rules, Implications of the KORUS FTA, and the Kaesong Industrial Complex [June 02, 2011]
"In early 2011, many Members of Congress focused their attention on U.S. rules and practices governing the importation of products and components from North Korea. Their interest was stimulated by debate over the proposed South Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA) and the question of whether the agreement could lead to increased imports from North Korea. [...] This report examines the issue of U.S. imports from North Korea in three parts: 1)U.S. rules and practices governing imports from North Korea. The United States does not maintain a comprehensive embargo against North Korea. However, imports from North Korea require approval from the Treasury Department's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC). [...] 2) North Korea's exports to South Korea (via the KIC) and China, its dominant export markets. In 2010, over three-quarters of North Korea's export shipments went to China and South Korea. Most of North Korea's $1.2 billion in exports to China in 2010 were mineral resources or primary products (such as fish, shellfish, and agro-forest products). [...] 3) The KORUS FTA's potential effect on U.S. imports of North Korean content. The KORUS FTA appears likely to have only a minimal impact on whether U.S. sanctions on North Korean imports are put to the test."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Grimmett, Jeanne J.
2011-06-02
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Foreign Assistance to North Korea [June 1, 2011]
"Since 1995, the United States has provided North Korea with over $1.2 billion in assistance, of which about 60% has paid for food aid and about 40% for energy assistance. As of early February 2011, the United States is not providing any aid to North Korea, except for a small medical assistance program. The Obama Administration, along with the South Korean government, have said that they would be willing to provide large-scale development aid if North Korea takes steps to irreversibly dismantle its nuclear program. […] This report will be updated periodically to track changes in U.S. provision of aid to North Korea."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Manyin, Mark E.
2011-06-01
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Semiconductor Industry and South Korea's Hynix Corporation [Updated May 27, 2003]
In 2001, a trade dispute developed between the United States and South Korea
over allegations that the Seoul government was propping up Hynix Semiconductor
Inc., presently the world's third-largest producer of dynamic random access memory
(DRAM) semiconductor chips. Since late 2000, the entire semiconductor industry
has been mired in its worst slump ever, especially for manufacturers of DRAMs.
Where once there were many DRAM producers, now only four companies, two of
them from Korea, account for over 80% of worldwide sales. Global DRAM sales
had reached nearly $30 billion in 2000, but have declined by almost two-thirds since
then. The U.S. industry has been winnowed from over ten DRAM producers to one:
Micron Technology Inc., the world's second-largest producer.
Over the past two years, Micron, Members of Congress, and the Bush
Administration protested when Hynix's leading creditors - most of which are owned
by the Korean government - orchestrated a series of rescue packages that have kept
Hynix in business by enabling it to restructure its debt of 8.6 trillion won (more than
$7 billion). Critics of the support packages have argued that they amounted to
government-sponsored bailouts, and that by keeping Hynix in business they were
contributing to the oversupply of DRAM chips in world markets. In early December
2001, the impetus for the dispute was apparently reduced by the announcement that
Micron and Hynix had begun negotiating a possible strategic alliance. In April 2002,
the two sides announced that Micron would acquire Hynix's DRAM business.
Hynix's board, however, vetoed the deal.
This report examines the Hynix controversy. It assesses the status of the DRAM
industry and the impact of the issue on U.S.-Korea relations. The report will be
updated, especially as legal actions against Hynix proceed.
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.
2003-05-27
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North Korea-Japan Relations: The Normalization Talks and the Compensation/Reparations Issue [Updated June 13, 2001]
"Japan and North Korea have not established official relations since North Korea was founded in 1948. In 2000, the two countries held three rounds of normalization talks, which had been frozen since 1992. The talks, however, have been stalled since November 2000. One of Pyongyang's key demands is that Tokyo compensate North Korea for Japan's colonization of the Korean Peninsula from 1910-1945. Though Japan has resisted using terms such as 'compensation' and 'reparations,' Tokyo has offered to provide North Korea with a large-scale economic aid package, much as it gave South Korea economic assistance when Tokyo and Seoul normalized relations in 1965. North Korea, however, insists that it will only accept 'compensation.' This disagreement over terminology has contributed to the current deadlock in the normalization negotiations.
The 1965 Japan-South Korean settlement consisted of a $300 million grant, $200
million in low-interest long-term government loans, and $300 million in private credits from Japanese financial institutions. There are a number of estimates for the present value of the 1965 Japan-South Korea settlement, ranging from as low as $3.4 billion to over $20 billion. One methodology that adjusts for inflation in Japan and for inter-Korean population differences yields a 1999 value of approximately $3.8 billion. Reportedly, Japanese officials are discussing a package on the order of $5-$10 billion.
This report will be updated periodically to track developments in the Japan-North Korea normalization talks."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.
2001-06-13
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North Korea: A Chronology of Events, October 2002-December 2004 [January 24, 2005]
"This report provides a chronology of events relevant to U.S. relations with North Korea from October 2002 through December 31, 2004. The chronology includes significant meetings, events, and statements that shed light on the issues surrounding North Korea's nuclear weapons program. An introductory analysis provides background on U.S. policy preceding October 2002 as well as an overview of developments and dynamics among the major players in the North Korea nuclear dispute: South Korea, Japan, China, Russia, and the United States. Particular attention is paid to the demise of the Agreed Framework, the ongoing six party talks, China's prominent role in the negotiations, inter-Korean relations, and the Japanese abductee issue. Also discussed is Congress' role in dealing with North Korea, including the passage of the North Korea Human Rights Act (P.L. 108-333). This report will not be updated."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Marchart, Helene; Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2005-01-24
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Vietnam-U.S. Bilateral Trade Agreement [Updated January 16, 2001]
"On July 13, 2000, U.S. and Vietnamese negotiators signed a sweeping bilateral trade agreement (BTA). Under the deal, which requires Congressional approval, the U.S. will extend temporary most-favored nation (MFN, also known as normal trade relations [NTR] status) status to Vietnam, a step that would significantly reduce U.S. tariffs on most imports from Vietnam. The World Bank has estimated that Vietnam's exports to the U.S. would rise to $1.3 billion - more than double 1999 levels - in the first year of MFN status, as U.S. tariff rates on Vietnamese exports would fall from their non-MFN average of 40% to less than 3%. In particular, Vietnamese garment exports are expected to record a tenfold increase in the first year after receiving MFN treatment. This report outlines the terms of the BTA, identifies U.S. and Vietnamese motivations for entering into the deal, analyzes the reasons for Vietnam's delay in signing the agreement, and explains Congress' role in the process of restoring normal trade relations treatment to Vietnam. This report will be updated periodically. Further information on U.S.-Vietnam relations is available in CRS Issue Brief IB98033, Vietnam-U.S. Relations."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.
2001-01-16
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Foreign Assistance to North Korea [June 25, 2012]
"Should the United States resume food, energy, and/or denuclearization assistance to North Korea? This is the major issue facing Congress in considering the provision of aid to Pyongyang. Between 1995 and 2008, the United States provided North Korea with over $1.3 billion in assistance: just over 50% for food aid and about 40% for energy assistance. Since early 2009, the United States has provided virtually no aid to North Korea. On February 29, 2012, after bilateral talks with the United States, North Korea announced a moratorium on long-range missile launches, nuclear tests, and nuclear activities (including uranium enrichment) at its Yongbyon nuclear facilities. It also said it would allow international nuclear inspectors to return to North Korea. The United States announced it would provide North Korea with 240,000 metric tons (MT) of food aid. However, the so-called 'Leap Day deal' unraveled after North Korea on April 13, 2012, launched, in defiance of United Nations resolutions, a rocket to place an 'earth observation satellite' into orbit. U.S. officials say that during bilateral negotiations they warned their counterparts that any rocket launch using ballistic missile technology would jeopardize the agreement."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham
2012-06-25
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EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement and Its Implications for the United States [June 16, 2011]
"On October 6, 2010, the 27 member European Union (EU) and South Korea signed a bilateral free trade agreement (FTA). The South Korean National Assembly and the EU Parliament have ratified the agreement. The agreement is expected to go into effect on July 1, 2011. The South Korea-EU FTA (KOREU FTA) is the largest FTA in terms of market size that South Korea has entered into. The KOREU FTA reflects the EU and South Korean trade strategies to use FTAs to strengthen economic ties outside their home regions. It also builds upon the surge in trade and investment flows between South Korea and the EU over the past decade. This agreement has possible implications for U.S. trade with South Korea and congressional action on the proposed U.S.-South Korea FTA (KORUS FTA). […] U.S. and European firms are close competitors in a number of sectors and industries, particularly autos. Some business representatives argue that enactment of the KOREU FTA before enactment of the KORUS FTA would give European competitors commercial first mover advantages, since EU firms, such as those in the auto industry or the services sector, could gain greater market opportunities in South Korea not afforded to U.S. firms. On the other hand, other factors could also mitigate such advantages. For example, U.S. multinational firms operating in the EU could benefit from the KOREU FTA. Nevertheless, the content and fate of the KOREU FTA could influence the pace and tone of any debate in the United States on the KORUS FTA in the 112th Congress."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Jurenas, Remy; Manyin, Mark E.; Cooper, William H., 1949- . . .
2011-06-16
