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• February 2019 Trump-Kim Hanoi Summit [March 6, 2019]

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  From the Document: "On February 27 and 28, President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un met in Hanoi to discuss North Korea's nuclear and missile programs, as well as the establishment of a new relationship between the two countries. The two leaders had held one prior summit, in Singapore, in June 2018. The Hanoi summit ended earlier than scheduled, with the cancelation of both a lunch and a ceremony to sign a joint statement. President Trump and U.S. officials said that the two leaders parted amicably, and that they expected dialogue would resume at a later date. An article in North Korea's state-run media also presented the summit in a positive light and mentioned that the two leaders agreed to 'continue productive dialogues.' South Korean President Moon Jae-in offered to help the United States and North Korea narrow their differences. The United States and North Korea (Democratic People's Republic of Korea, DPRK) each attributed the summit's breakdown to their inability to resolve differences over the scope and sequencing of concessions, specifically DPRK denuclearization measures in exchange for sanctions relief."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham . . .

  2019-03-06
• U.S. - Japan Relations [October 23, 2018]

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  "Japan is a significant partner of the United States in a number of foreign policy areas, particularly security issues, which range from hedging against Chinese military modernization to countering threats from North Korea. The U.S. - Japan military alliance, formed in 1952, grants the U.S. military the right to base U.S. troops -- currently numbering around 50,000 -- and other military assets on Japanese territory in return for a U.S. pledge to protect Japan's security. Japan also is the United States' fourth largest trading partner and second largest source of foreign direct investment, and Japanese investors are the second largest foreign holder of U.S. Treasuries. For the first year of the Trump presidency, bilateral relations remained strong, as least on the surface, throughout several visits and leaders' meetings, cemented by a common approach to North Korea. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and President Trump presented a united front on dealing with Pyongyang's nuclear weapon test and multiple missile launches and Abe wholeheartedly endorsed the Trump Administration's 'maximum pressure' approach."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Manyin, Mark E.; Williams, Brock R.

  2018-10-23
• Possible Second U.S.-North Korea Summit: What Diplomacy Has and Hasn't Achieved [January 23, 2019]

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  "In late January 2019, President Donald Trump said he would meet with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un 'probably at the end of February.' The summit would be the second between the two leaders, following their summit in Singapore in June 2018. As of January 22, the White House has not detailed the substance of the planned meeting. Washington and Pyongyang appeared to reach few substantive agreements ahead of the last summit, which Trump described as a 'getting to know you' occasion. If the Trump-Kim summit occurs, it would continue the high-level diplomacy that Pyongyang has orchestrated since early 2018. Over the past year, Kim has held three summits with South Korean President Moon Jae-in, four with Chinese President Xi Jinping, and one with President Trump."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma

  2019-01-23
• U.S.-North Korea Relations [Updated August 13, 2019]

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  From the Document: "North Korea has posed one of the most persistent U.S. foreign policy challenges of the post-Cold War period. With advances in its nuclear and missile capabilities under 35-year-old leader Kim Jong-un, North Korea has evolved into a grave security threat to the United States. Efforts to halt North Korea's nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs have occupied the past four U.S. administrations. Although North Korea (officially known as the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, or DPRK) has haltingly engaged in negotiations with the United States under the Trump Administration, it simultaneously has continued to develop these programs. The weapons programs have been the primary focus of U.S. policy toward North Korea, but other U.S. concerns include North Korea's cyberspace activities, conventional military capabilities, egregious human rights violations, international terrorism, and illicit activities such as money laundering, smuggling, and trafficking of both narcotics and humans."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Manyin, Mark E.

  2019-08-13
• North Korea: What 18 Months of Diplomacy Has and Has Not Achieved [August 5, 2019]

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  From the Document: "Since President Trump agreed in March 2018 to hold a summit with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un to discuss North Korea's nuclear and missile programs, the Trump Administration's strategy has appeared to be based on the presumption that developing a leader-to-leader relationship will produce more results than the working-group approaches taken by previous administrations. [...] Overall, these diplomatic efforts have produced a marked reduction in tensions on the Korean Peninsula, and Trump and Kim appear to have developed a personal relationship that Trump says ultimately could produce a breakthrough. Kim has pledged to denuclearize, and has maintained a unilateral moratorium on nuclear tests and long-range and medium-range missile tests. Kim's public denuclearization promises, however, have been conditional and vague."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.; Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Rennack, Dianne E. . . .

  2019-08-05
• U.S.-North Korea Relations [November 29, 2017]

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  From the Document: "North Korea has posed one of the most persistent U.S. foreign policy challenges of the post-Cold War period. With its recent advances in its nuclear and missile capabilities under 33-year-old leader Kim Jong-un, North Korea has evolved to become a grave security threat to the United States and its allies. Efforts to halt North Korea's nuclear weapons program have occupied the past four U.S. administrations. Since 2009, North Korea (officially known as the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, or DPRK) has rebuffed U.S. and South Korean offers to negotiate on denuclearization, and has continued to develop its nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs. Although the weapons programs have been the primary focus of U.S. policy toward North Korea, other U.S. concerns include North Korea's illicit activities, such as counterfeiting currency and narcotics trafficking, attacks against South Korea, and egregious human rights violations."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Manyin, Mark E.

  2017-11-29
• South Korea: Background and U.S. Relations [Updated December 11, 2019]

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  From the Overview: "South Korea (officially the Republic of Korea, or ROK) is one of the United States' most important strategic and economic partners in Asia. The U.S.-ROK Mutual Defense Treaty, signed in 1953 at the end of the Korean War, commits the United States to help South Korea defend itself, particularly from North Korea (officially the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, or DPRK), and the alliance has given the United States a partner and a forward presence in Asia that help it promote U.S. interests in East Asia. Approximately 28,500 U.S. troops are based in the ROK. The U.S.-ROK economic relationship is bolstered by the U.S.-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). South Korea is the United States' seventh-largest trading partner, and the United States is South Korea's second-largest trading partner, behind China."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Williams, Brock R.

  2019-12-11
• Terrorism in Southeast Asia [October 16, 2009]

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  "Since September 2001, the United States has increased focus on radical Islamist and terrorist groups in Southeast Asia, particularly those in the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Singapore. Southeast Asia has been a base for terrorist operations. Al Qaeda penetrated the region by establishing local cells, training Southeast Asians in its camps in Afghanistan, and by financing and cooperating with indigenous radical Islamist groups. Indonesia and the southern Philippines have been particularly vulnerable to penetration by Islamic terrorist groups. […] The report looks at the rise of Islamist militancy and the JI [Jemaah Islamiyah] network, and discusses terrorism in the region, concluding with options for U.S. policy. Strategies include placing greater emphasis on attacking institutions that support terrorism, building up regional governments' capacities for combating terrorist groups, and reducing the sense of alienation among Muslim citizens."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Vaughn, Bruce, 1963-; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Dolven, Ben . . .

  2009-10-16
• U.S. Accession to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) [October 26, 2009]

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  "On July 22, 2009, during Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton's visit to Southeast Asia, the United States acceded to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations' (ASEAN) Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), one of the 10-nation organization's core documents, as had been amended by the 1987 and 1998 TAC Protocols. The move came less than six months after Secretary of State Clinton announced in Jakarta that the Obama Administration would launch its formal interagency process to pursue accession. This report analyzes the legal and diplomatic issues involved with accession to the TAC."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Morrison, Wayne M.; Garcia, Michael John; Manyin, Mark E.

  2009-10-26
• Terrorism in Southeast Asia [August 13, 2004]

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  "Since September 2001, the United States has been concerned with radical Islamist groups in Southeast Asia, particularly those in the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Singapore that are known to have ties to the Al Qaeda terrorist network. As detailed in the Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (known as the '9/11 Commission'), Southeast Asia is a base for past, current, and possibly future Al Qaeda operations. For nearly fifteen years, Al Qaeda has penetrated the region by establishing local cells, training Southeast Asians in its camps in Afghanistan, and by financing and cooperating with indigenous radical Islamist groups. Indonesia and the southern Philippines have been particularly vulnerable to penetration by anti-American Islamic terrorist groups. […] Although the recommendations in the 9/11 Commission's final report do not touch on Southeast Asia directly, many of the recommendations for U.S. counterterrorism policy in general are applicable to Southeast Asia."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Niksch, Larry A.

  2004-08-13
• Terrorism in Southeast Asia [September 11, 2007]

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  "Since September 2001, the United States has increased focus on radical Islamist and terrorist groups in Southeast Asia, particularly those in the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Singapore. Southeast Asia is a base for past, current, and possibly future terrorist operations. Al Qaeda penetrated the region by establishing local cells, training Southeast Asians in its camps in Afghanistan, and by financing and cooperating with indigenous radical Islamist groups. Indonesia and the southern Philippines have been particularly vulnerable to penetration by anti-American Islamic terrorist groups. […] The responses of countries in the region to both the threat and to the U.S. reaction generally have varied with the intensity of their concerns about the threat to their own stability and domestic politics. In general, Singapore, Malaysia, and the Philippines were quick to crack down on militant groups and share intelligence with the United States and Australia, whereas Indonesia began to do so only after attacks or arrests revealed the severity of the threat to their citizens. Many governments view increased American pressure and military presence in their region with ambivalence because of the political sensitivity of the issue with both mainstream Islamic and secular nationalist groups. The Muslim insurgency in southern Thailand has escalated in recent years as has terrorist activity in southern areas of the Philippines. The report will begin with an overview of the rise of Islamist militancy and a discussion of the JI network before proceeding to discuss terrorism in Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore and will conclude with a section on options and implications for U.S. policy. Counterterrorism strategies include placing greater emphasis on attacking the institutions that support terrorism, building up regional governments' institutional capacities for combating terrorist groups, and reducing the sense of alienation among Muslim citizens."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.; Vaughn, Bruce, 1963-; Chanlett-Avery, Emma

  2007-09-11
• Terrorism in Southeast Asia [December 13, 2002]

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  Following the defeat of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan, U.S. attention has turned to radical Islamist groups in Southeast Asia, particularly those in the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore that are known or alleged to have ties to the Al Qaeda terrorist network. For more than a decade, Al Qaeda has penetrated the region by establishing local cells, training Southeast Asians in its camps in Afghanistan, and by financing and cooperating with indigenous radical Islamist groups. Indonesia and the southern Philippines have been particularly vulnerable to penetration by anti-American Islamic terrorist groups. One such network, Jemaah Islamiya, is known to have assisted two of Al Qaeda's September 11, 2001 hijackers and is suspected of plotting attacks against Western targets, including the October 12, 2002 bombing in Bali, Indonesia that killed nearly 200 people, mostly Western tourists. Some analysts fear that the Bali attack may represent a shift in tactics, from targeting Western military and government installations to focusing on "softer" targets such as tourist resorts, Western business, and schools serving Westerners. However, these governments have to balance these security concerns with domestic political considerations. Although proponents of violent, radical Islam remain a small minority in Southeast Asia, many governments view increased American pressure and military presence in their region with ambivalence because of the political sensitivity of the issue with both mainstream Islamic and secular nationalist groups.

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.

  2002-12-13
• Terrorism in Southeast Asia [February 14, 2006]

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  "Since September 2001, the United States has been concerned with radical Islamist groups in Southeast Asia, particularly those in the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Singapore that are known to have ties to the Al Qaeda terrorist network. Southeast Asia is a base for past, current, and possibly future Al Qaeda operations. For nearly fifteen years, Al Qaeda has penetrated the region by establishing local cells, training Southeast Asians in its camps in Afghanistan, and by financing and cooperating with indigenous radical Islamist groups. Indonesia and the southern Philippines have been particularly vulnerable to penetration by anti-American Islamic terrorist groups. Members of one indigenous network, Jemaah Islamiyah (JI), with extensive ties to Al Qaeda, are known to have helped two of the September 11, 2001 hijackers and have confessed to plotting and carrying out attacks against Western targets. [...] To combat the threat, the Bush Administration has pressed countries in the region to arrest suspected terrorist individuals and organizations, deployed over 1,000 troops to the southern Philippines to advise the Philippine military in their fight against the violent Abu Sayyaf Group, launched a Regional Maritime Security Initiative to enhance security in the Straits of Malacca, increased intelligence sharing operations, restarted military-military relations with Indonesia (including restoring International Military Education and Training [IMET]), and provided or requested from Congress over $1 billion in aid to Indonesia and the Philippines."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Vaughn, Bruce, 1963-; Manyin, Mark E.

  2006-02-14
• Vietnam-U.S. Normalization Process [Updated January 3, 2006]

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  "After communist North Vietnam's victory over U.S.-backed South Vietnam in 1975, U.S.-Vietnam relations remained essentially frozen for over 15 years. Since then, bilateral ties have expanded remarkably, to the point where the relationship in many ways has been virtually normalized. Congress has played a significant role in this process. Each step in improving bilateral ties has brought controversy, albeit at diminishing levels. U.S. opponents in Congress and elsewhere have argued that Vietnam maintains a poor record on human and religious rights, particularly in the Central Highlands region. Opposition has also come from groups arguing that Vietnam has not done enough to account for U.S. Prisoners of War/Missing in Action (POW/MIAs) from the Vietnam War, though this argument has diminished markedly in recent years. Forces favoring normalization have included those reflecting a strong U.S. business interest in Vietnam's reforming economy and American strategic interests in integrating Vietnam more fully into East Asia and in expanding cooperation with a country that has an ambivalent relationship with China."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.

  2006-01-03
• U.S.-Vietnam Nuclear Cooperation Agreement: Issues for Congress [March 24, 2014]

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  "U.S.-Vietnamese cooperation on nuclear energy and nonproliferation has grown in recent years along with closer bilateral economic, military, and diplomatic ties. In 2010, the two countries signed a Memorandum of Understanding that Obama Administration officials said would be a 'stepping stone' to a bilateral nuclear cooperation agreement. This agreement was signed by the two countries in December 2013. Under section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 (as amended), this agreement is subject to congressional review. The nuclear cooperation agreement is expected to comply with all the terms of the Atomic Energy Act as amended and therefore will be a 'non-exempt' agreement. This means that it will enter into force upon the 90th day of continuous session after its submittal to Congress (a period of 30 plus 60 days of review) unless Congress enacts a Joint Resolution disapproving the agreement. Vietnam would be the first country in Southeast Asia to operate a nuclear power plant. Vietnam has announced a nuclear energy plan that envisions installing several nuclear plants, capable of producing up to 14,800 megawatts of electric power (MWe), by 2030. Nuclear power is projected to provide 20%-30% of the country's electricity by 2050. Significant work remains, however, to develop Vietnam's nuclear energy infrastructure and regulatory framework."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Holt, Mark; Manyin, Mark E.

  2014-03-24
• U.S.-Vietnam Nuclear Cooperation Agreement: Issues for Congress [May 13, 2014]

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  "U.S.-Vietnamese cooperation on nuclear energy and nonproliferation has grown in recent years along with closer bilateral economic, military, and diplomatic ties. In 2010, the two countries signed a Memorandum of Understanding that Obama Administration officials said would be a 'stepping stone' to a bilateral nuclear cooperation agreement. This agreement was signed by the two countries on May 6, 2014, and transmitted to Congress for review on May 8. […] At least four issues are expected to be prominent when Congress takes up the agreement: (1) whether the agreement should have included stronger nonproliferation commitments such as a legally-binding commitment by Vietnam not to build uranium enrichment and reprocessing facilities; (2) the extent to which Vietnam's human rights record should affect the decision to enter into a nuclear energy agreement; (3) the weight that should be given to the growing strategic relationship between the United States and Vietnam; and (4) the extent to which U.S. companies would benefit from an agreement."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Holt, Mark; Manyin, Mark E.

  2014-05-13
• U.S.-South Korea Relations [October 20, 2016]

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  "South Korea [...] is one of the United States' most important strategic and economic partners in Asia, and since 2009 relations between the two countries arguably have been at their most robust state in decades. Several factors drive congressional interest in South Korea-related issues. First, the United States and South Korea have been military allies since the early 1950s. [...] Approximately 28,500 U.S. troops are based in the ROK [Republic of Korea] and South Korea is included under the U.S. 'nuclear umbrella.' Second, Washington and Seoul cooperate in addressing the challenges posed by North Korea. Third, the two countries' economies are closely entwined and are joined by the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). South Korea is the United States' seventh-largest trading partner and the United States is South Korea's second-largest trading partner. South Korea has repeatedly expressed interest in and consulted with the United States on possibly joining the U.S.-led Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) free trade agreement, which has been signed, but not yet ratified by the current 12 participants. [...] Dealing with North Korea is the dominant strategic concern of the U.S.-South Korean relationship. [...] On broad strategic matters in East Asia, while South Korean and U.S. perspectives overlap, there are areas of significant differences. For instance, South Korea often hesitates to take steps that antagonize China and has shown mistrust of Japan's efforts to expand its military capabilities. North Korea's 2016 nuclear weapons tests and missile launches, however, potentially have shifted the geopolitical dynamics in Northeast Asia in ways that could bring the United States and South Korea closer together on the best approaches to China and Japan."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham . . .

  2016-10-20
• U.S.-South Korea Relations [March 28, 2016]

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  From the Summary: "South Korea (known officially as the Republic of Korea, or ROK) is one of the United States' most important strategic and economic partners in Asia, and since 2009 relations between the two countries arguably have been at their most robust state in decades. Several factors drive congressional interest in South Korea-related issues. First, the United States and South Korea have been military allies since the early 1950s. The United States is committed to helping South Korea defend itself, particularly against any aggression from North Korea. Approximately 28,500 U.S. troops are based in the ROK and South Korea is included under the U.S. 'nuclear umbrella.' Second, Washington and Seoul cooperate in addressing the challenges posed by North Korea. Third, the two countries' economies are closely entwined and are joined by the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). South Korea is the United States' seventh-largest trading partner and the United States is South Korea's second-largest trading partner. South Korea has repeatedly expressed interest in and consulted with the United States on possibly joining the U.S.-led Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) free trade agreement, which has been signed, though not yet ratified by the current 12 participants."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham . . .

  2016-03-28
• U.S.-South Korea Relations [May 23, 2017]

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  "South Korea (officially the Republic of Korea, or ROK) is one of the United States' most important strategic and economic partners in Asia. Congressional interest in South Korea is driven by both security and trade interests. Since the early 1950s, the U.S.-ROK Mutual Defense Treaty commits the United States to help South Korea defend itself. Approximately 28,500 U.S. troops are based in the ROK, which is included under the U.S. 'nuclear umbrella.' Washington and Seoul cooperate in addressing the challenges posed by North Korea. The two countries' economies are joined by the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). South Korea is the United States' seventh-largest trading partner and the United States is South Korea's second- largest trading partner. Between 2009 and the end of 2016, relations between the two countries arguably reached their most robust state in decades. Political changes in both countries in 2017, however, have generated uncertainty about the state of the relationship."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham . . .

  2017-05-23
• U.S.-Vietnam Nuclear Cooperation Agreement: Issues for Congress [August 8, 2014]

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  "U.S.-Vietnamese cooperation on nuclear energy and nonproliferation has grown in recent years along with closer bilateral economic, military, and diplomatic ties. In 2010, the two countries signed a Memorandum of Understanding that Obama Administration officials said would be a 'stepping stone' to a bilateral nuclear cooperation agreement. This agreement was signed by the two countries on May 6, 2014, and transmitted to Congress for review on May 8. Since Congress adjourned for August recess under a joint resolution, the review period was paused. If Congress returns from adjournment as planned on September 8, the estimated congressional review period for this agreement will be completed on September 10, 2014. Under the agreement, the United States could license the export of nuclear reactor and research information, material, and equipment to Vietnam. The agreement does not allow for the transfer of restricted data or sensitive nuclear technology, and contains required nonproliferation provisions. Under Section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 (as amended), this agreement is subject to congressional review. The nuclear cooperation agreement is expected to comply with all the terms of the Atomic Energy Act as amended and therefore will be a 'non-exempt' agreement. This means that it may enter into force upon the 90th day of continuous session after its submittal to Congress (a period of 30 plus 60 days of review) unless Congress enacts a Joint Resolution disapproving agreement, or approving the agreement at an earlier date. Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Robert Menendez introduced a resolution that would approve the agreement (S.J.Res. 36) on May 22. This bill was passed by the Senate on July 31, 2014."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Holt, Mark; Manyin, Mark E.

  2014-08-08
• U.S.-Vietnam Relations in 2010: Current Issues and Implications for U.S. Policy [July 12, 2010]

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  From the Summary: "After communist North Vietnam's victory over U.S.-backed South Vietnam in 1975, U.S.- Vietnam had minimal relations until the mid-1990s. Normal diplomatic relations were established on July 11, 1995. Since then, bilateral ties have expanded to the point where leaders on both sides describe each other as partners on a number of issues. The maturation of relations has been particularly marked since the mid-2000s, when Vietnam made a decision to upgrade the relationship; since then, overlapping strategic and economic interests have compelled the United States and Vietnam to improve ties across a wide spectrum of issues. Congress played a significant role in the normalization process and continues to influence the state of relations. In the United States, voices favoring improved relations have included those reflecting U.S. business interests in Vietnam's reforming economy and U.S. strategic interests in expanding cooperation with a populous country--Vietnam has 88 million people--that has an ambivalent relationship with China. Others argue that improvements in bilateral relations should be conditioned upon Vietnam's authoritarian government improving its record on human rights. Vietnam is asserting itself on the regional stage; for instance, in 2010 it is the chair of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The population of more than 1 million Vietnamese-Americans, as well as legacies of the Vietnam War, also drive continued U.S. interest."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.

  2010-07-12
• U.S. Assistance to North Korea [Updated March 17, 2003]

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  "Since 1995, the U.S. has provided over $1 billion in foreign assistance to the Democratic Peoples Republic of North Korea (DPRK, also known as North Korea), about 60% of which has taken the form of food aid, and about 40% in the form of energy assistance channeled through the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO). Additionally, there has been discussion of offering North Korea broader economic development assistance in exchange for Pyongyang verifiably dismantling its nuclear program and cooperating on other security-related issues. U.S. aid to North Korea has been controversial since its inception, and the controversy has been intimately linked to the larger debate over the most effective strategy for dealing with the DPRK."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.; Jun, Ryun

  2003-03-17
• U.S. Assistance to North Korea: Fact Sheet [Updated January 3, 2007]

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  "This report summarizes U.S. assistance to the Democratic People's Republic of North Korea (DPRK, also known as North Korea). It will be updated periodically to track changes in U.S. provision of aid to North Korea. A more extended description and analysis of aid to North Korea, including assistance provided by other countries, is provided in CRS Report RL31785, Foreign Assistance to North Korea. In the summer of 2005, the North Korean government announced it would no longer need humanitarian assistance from the United Nations, including from the World Food Program (WFP), the primary channel for U.S. food aid. Part of Pyongyang's motivation appears to have been a desire to negotiate a less intrusive monitoring presence. In response, the WFP negotiated a drastically scaled-down 'development' assistance program with the North Korean government. Since then, the United States has not provided any food aid. As of late December 2006, donors had provided the WFP with less than 15% of its goal for 2006-2008. U.N. officials have warned that falling aid shipments and flooding in 2006 could lead to 'severe food shortages' by the spring of 2007. U.S. officials, including President Bush, have indicated that United States food development assistance might be forthcoming if North Korea begins dismantling its nuclear programs in the six party nuclear talks."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.

  2007-01-03
• U.S. Assistance to North Korea [Updated April 26, 2005]

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  "Since 1995, the U.S. has provided over $1 billion in foreign assistance to the Democratic Peoples Republic of North Korea (DPRK, also known as North Korea), about 60% of which has taken the form of food aid, and about 40% in the form of energy assistance channeled through the Korean Peninsula Energy Development Organization (KEDO). Additionally, the Bush Administration has proposed offering North Korea broad economic development assistance in exchange for Pyongyang verifiably dismantling its nuclear program and cooperating on other security-related issues. U.S. aid to North Korea has been controversial since its inception, and the controversy has been intimately linked to the larger debate over the most effective strategy for dealing with the DPRK. The North Korean Human Rights Act, (passed by the 108th Congress as H.R. 4011, P.L. 108-333) for instance, which includes hortatory language calling for significant increases above current levels of U.S. support for humanitarian assistance to be conditioned upon substantial improvements in transparency, monitoring, and access. Pyongyang has the Act as evidence of the United States hostile policy toward North Korea, and has used it as justification to suspend its participation in the six party talks to resolve the nuclear crisis."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.

  2005-04-26
• U.S.-Vietnam Relations: Background and Issues for Congress [Updated November 28, 2006]

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  "After communist North Vietnam's victory over U.S.-backed South Vietnam in 1975, U.S.-Vietnam relations remained essentially frozen for over 15 years. Since then, bilateral ties have expanded remarkably, to the point where the relationship in many ways has been virtually normalized. Congress has played a significant role in this process. Each step in improving bilateral ties has brought controversy, albeit at diminishing levels. Some argue that improvements in bilateral relations should be conditioned upon Hanoi improving its record on human and religious rights, particularly in the Central Highlands region. Opposition to the pace and scope of normalization also has come from groups arguing that Vietnam has not done enough to account for U.S. Prisoners of War/Missing in Action from the Vietnam War, though this argument has diminished markedly in recent years. Interests favoring normalization have included those reflecting a strong U.S. business interest in Vietnam's reforming economy and American strategic interests in integrating Vietnam more fully into East Asia and in expanding cooperation with a country that has an ambivalent relationship with China."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.

  2006-11-28
• U.S.-Vietnam Relations: Background and Issues for Congress [Updated August 22, 2007]

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  "After communist North Vietnam's victory over U.S.-backed South Vietnam in 1975, U.S.-Vietnam relations remained essentially frozen for over 15 years. Since then, bilateral ties have expanded remarkably, to the point where the relationship has been virtually normalized. Congress played a significant role in this process, and continues to influence the state of bilateral relations. Some argue that improvements in bilateral relations should be conditioned upon Vietnam's authoritarian government improving its record on human rights, particularly in the Central Highlands region. Voices favoring improved relations have included those reflecting U.S. business interests in Vietnam's reforming economy and U.S. strategic interests in expanding cooperation with a populous country-Vietnam has around 85 million people-that has an ambivalent relationship with China. In recent years, Vietnamese leaders have sought to upgrade relations with the United States, perhaps because of worries about China's expanding influence in Southeast Asia and the need for U.S. support for Vietnam's ultimately successful bid to enter the World Trade Organization (WTO). Many argue, however, that there is little evidence that Hanoi seeks to balance Beijing's rising power. Also, some Vietnamese remain suspicious that the United States' long-term goal is to end the Vietnamese communist party's monopoly on power through a 'peaceful evolution' strategy. Economic ties are perhaps the most mature aspect of the bilateral relationship. Since the United States extended conditional normal trade relations (NTR) to Vietnam in 2001, bilateral trade-primarily imports from Vietnam-has increased more than sixfold, to the point where the United States is now Vietnam's largest export market."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.

  2007-08-22
• U.S.-Vietnam Relations: Background and Issues for Congress [Updated September 28, 2007]

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  "After communist North Vietnam's victory over U.S.-backed South Vietnam in 1975, U.S.-Vietnam relations remained essentially frozen for over 15 years. Since then, bilateral ties have expanded remarkably, to the point where the relationship has been virtually normalized. Congress played a significant role in this process, and continues to influence the state of bilateral relations. Some argue that improvements in bilateral relations should be conditioned upon Vietnam's authoritarian government improving its record on human rights, particularly in the Central Highlands region. Voices favoring improved relations have included those reflecting U.S. business interests in Vietnam's reforming economy and U.S. strategic interests in expanding cooperation with a populous country […] that has an ambivalent relationship with China. In recent years, Vietnamese leaders have sought to upgrade relations with the United States, perhaps because of worries about China's expanding influence in Southeast Asia and the need for U.S. support for Vietnam's ultimately successful bid to enter the World Trade Organization (WTO). Many argue, however, that there is little evidence that Hanoi seeks to balance Beijing's rising power. Also, some Vietnamese remain suspicious that the United States' long-term goal is to end the Vietnamese communist party's monopoly on power through a 'peaceful evolution' strategy. Economic ties are perhaps the most mature aspect of the bilateral relationship. Since the United States extended conditional normal trade relations (NTR) to Vietnam in 2001, bilateral trade -- primarily imports from Vietnam -- has increased more than sixfold, to the point where the United States is now Vietnam's largest export market."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.

  2007-09-28
• U.S. Assistance to Vietnam [Updated June 17, 2005]

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  "U.S.-Vietnam diplomatic and economic relations were non-existent for more than fifteen years following communist North Vietnam's victory in 1975 over U.S. ally South Vietnam. Normalization of relations, particularly in the economic sphere, between the United States and unified Vietnam began in earnest in the 1990s. As the normalization process has proceeded, the U.S. has eliminated most of the Cold War-era restrictions on U.S. aid to Vietnam, and U.S. assistance has increased markedly from around $1 million when assistance was resumed in 1991 to nearly $50 million in FY2004. [...] This report quantifies and briefly describes U.S. assistance programs to Vietnam. It includes an appendix detailing funding levels for U.S. aid programs. The report will be updated periodically."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.

  2005-06-17
• U.S.-Vietnam Relations: Background and Issues for Congress [Updated June 30, 2006]

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  "After communist North Vietnam's victory over U.S.-backed South Vietnam in 1975, U.S.-Vietnam relations remained essentially frozen for over 15 years. Since then, bilateral ties have expanded remarkably, to the point where the relationship in many ways has been virtually normalized. Congress has played a significant role in this process. Each step in improving bilateral ties has brought controversy, albeit at diminishing levels. Some argue that improvements in bilateral relations should be conditioned upon Hanoi improving its record on human and religious rights, particularly in the Central Highlands region. Opposition to the pace and scope of normalization also has come from groups arguing that Vietnam has not done enough to account for U.S. Prisoners of War/Missing in Action from the Vietnam War, though this argument has diminished markedly in recent years. Interests favoring normalization have included those reflecting a strong U.S. business interest in Vietnam's reforming economy and American strategic interests in integrating Vietnam more fully into East Asia and in expanding cooperation with a country that has an ambivalent relationship with China."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.

  2006-06-30
• U.S.-Vietnam Relations: Background and Issues for Congress [Updated January 3, 2008]

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  "After communist North Vietnam's victory over U.S.-backed South Vietnam in 1975, U.S.-Vietnam relations remained essentially frozen until the mid-1990s. Since then, bilateral ties have expanded remarkably, to the point where the relationship has been virtually normalized. Indeed, since 2002, overlapping strategic and economic interests have compelled the United States and Vietnam to improve relations across a wide spectrum of issues. Congress played a significant role in the normalization process and continues to influence the state of bilateral relations. Voices favoring improved relations have included those reflecting U.S. business interests in Vietnam's reforming economy and U.S. strategic interests in expanding cooperation with a populous country -- Vietnam has over 85 million people -- that has an ambivalent relationship with China. Others argue that improvements in bilateral relations should be conditioned upon Vietnam's authoritarian government improving its record on human rights. The population of over 1 million Vietnamese Americans, as well as legacies of the Vietnam War, also drive continued U.S. interest. Economic ties are the most mature aspect of the bilateral relationship. Since the United States extended conditional normal trade relations (NTR) to Vietnam in 2001, bilateral trade -- primarily imports from Vietnam -- has increased more than sixfold, to the point where the United States is now Vietnam's largest export market. The final step toward full economic normalization was accomplished in December 2006, when Congress passed and President Bush signed H.R. 6111 (P.L. 109-432), extending permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) status to Vietnam."

  Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

  Manyin, Mark E.

  2008-01-03