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Japan's New Emperor and Era [April 29, 2019]
From the Introduction: "On April 30th, the 85-year-old Japanese Emperor, Akihito, is to abdicate after 30 years on the Chrysanthemum throne, becoming the first to do so in over 200 years. The following day his eldest son, Naruhito, is to become the 126th Emperor of Japan. Japanese imperial successions are regarded as times of societal transition and therefore an important political moment. Japan will look to mark the occasion with friends and allies, including at an enthronement ceremony in October to which foreign delegations may be invited. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe invited President Donald Trump to be the first State Guest after Naruhito's accession in May. Furthermore, Abe, who has promoted a vision of a more assertive and independent Japan, may seek to use the transition to prompt greater national pride among Japanese citizens."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Williams, Joshua A.
2019-04-29
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U.S.-Japan Relations [Updated May 20, 2019]
From the Document: "Japan is a significant partner of the United States in a number of foreign policy areas, particularly security issues, which range from hedging against Chinese military modernization to countering threats from North Korea. The U.S.-Japan military alliance, formed in 1952, grants the U.S. military the right to base U.S. troops--currently numbering around 50,000--and other military assets on Japanese territory in return for a U.S. pledge to protect Japan's security. Japan also is the United States' fourth largest overall trading partner and second largest source of foreign direct investment, and Japanese investors are the second largest foreign holder of U.S. Treasuries. For the first year of the Trump presidency, bilateral relations remained strong, at least on the surface, throughout several visits and leaders' meetings, cemented by common approach to North Korea. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, Japan's longest-serving post-war leader, and President Trump presented a united front on dealing with Pyongyang's nuclear weapon test and multiple missile launches. Abe wholeheartedly endorsed the Trump Administration's 'maximum pressure' approach."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Manyin, Mark E.; Williams, Brock R.
2019-05-20
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February 2019 Trump-Kim Hanoi Summit [March 6, 2019]
From the Document: "On February 27 and 28, President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un met in Hanoi to discuss North Korea's nuclear and missile programs, as well as the establishment of a new relationship between the two countries. The two leaders had held one prior summit, in Singapore, in June 2018. The Hanoi summit ended earlier than scheduled, with the cancelation of both a lunch and a ceremony to sign a joint statement. President Trump and U.S. officials said that the two leaders parted amicably, and that they expected dialogue would resume at a later date. An article in North Korea's state-run media also presented the summit in a positive light and mentioned that the two leaders agreed to 'continue productive dialogues.' South Korean President Moon Jae-in offered to help the United States and North Korea narrow their differences. The United States and North Korea (Democratic People's Republic of Korea, DPRK) each attributed the summit's breakdown to their inability to resolve differences over the scope and sequencing of concessions, specifically DPRK denuclearization measures in exchange for sanctions relief."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham . . .
2019-03-06
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U.S.-Vietnam Nuclear Cooperation Agreement: Issues for Congress [May 30, 2014]
From the Overview: "Since the United States and Vietnam established diplomatic relations in 1995, the two countries have expanded relations and cooperation across a wide range of sectors. As U.S.-Vietnam bilateral economic, military, and diplomatic ties have grown, so has interest in strengthening cooperation in the nuclear energy sphere. A civilian nuclear cooperation agreement was initialed by the two countries in December 2013 and signed in May 2014 under Section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 (as amended). Such '123 agreements' are necessary for the export of nuclear reactors and components and can help facilitate the transfer of nuclear energy technology. The U.S.-Vietnam 123 agreement is subject to congressional review. Congress received the agreement with the required supporting documents on May 8, 2014, for review. It will enter into force upon the 90th day of continuous session after its submittal to Congress (a period of 30 plus 60 days of review) unless a Joint Resolution disapproving the agreement is enacted. […] Vietnam also has nuclear cooperation agreements with Russia, France, China, South Korea, Japan, and Canada. The U.S. nuclear industry contends that billions of dollars of exports could result from the Vietnam 123 agreement. While it is unclear what, if any, contracts the U.S. nuclear industry would conclude with Vietnam's nuclear energy sector, it is likely that U.S. companies would provide services as part of a reactor supply agreement that Vietnam signed with Japan in 2010. Such services would not necessarily require a U.S. 123 agreement, but transfers might be facilitated if one were in place."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Holt, Mark; Manyin, Mark E.
2014-05-30
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U.S.-Vietnam Nuclear Cooperation Agreement: Issues for Congress [August 8, 2014]
"U.S.-Vietnamese cooperation on nuclear energy and nonproliferation has grown in recent years along with closer bilateral economic, military, and diplomatic ties. In 2010, the two countries signed a Memorandum of Understanding that Obama Administration officials said would be a 'stepping stone' to a bilateral nuclear cooperation agreement. This agreement was signed by the two countries on May 6, 2014, and transmitted to Congress for review on May 8. Since Congress adjourned for August recess under a joint resolution, the review period was paused. If Congress returns from adjournment as planned on September 8, the estimated congressional review period for this agreement will be completed on September 10, 2014. Under the agreement, the United States could license the export of nuclear reactor and research information, material, and equipment to Vietnam. The agreement does not allow for the transfer of restricted data or sensitive nuclear technology, and contains required nonproliferation provisions. Under Section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 (as amended), this agreement is subject to congressional review. The nuclear cooperation agreement is expected to comply with all the terms of the Atomic Energy Act as amended and therefore will be a 'non-exempt' agreement. This means that it may enter into force upon the 90th day of continuous session after its submittal to Congress (a period of 30 plus 60 days of review) unless Congress enacts a Joint Resolution disapproving agreement, or approving the agreement at an earlier date. Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Robert Menendez introduced a resolution that would approve the agreement (S.J.Res. 36) on May 22. This bill was passed by the Senate on July 31, 2014."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Holt, Mark; Manyin, Mark E.
2014-08-08
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [February 20, 2014]
"Japan is a significant partner for the United States in a number of foreign policy areas, particularly in terms of security priorities, from hedging against Chinese military modernization to countering threats from North Korea. The post-World War II alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in Asia. The alliance facilitates the forward deployment of about 49,000 U.S. troops and other U.S. military assets based in Japan in the Asia-Pacific. After years of turmoil, Japanese politics appears to have entered a period of stability with the December 2012 election victory of current premier Shinzo Abe and his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). New elections are not required to be held until 2016. Japan's leaders face daunting tasks: an increasingly assertive China, a weak economy, and rebuilding from a devastating March 2011 earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear disaster. In recent years, opposition control of one chamber of parliament paralyzed policymaking in Tokyo and made U.S.-Japan relations difficult to manage despite overall shared national interests. However, the LDP's recent election victories have given it control over both chambers, thereby giving Abe more political room to pursue controversial initiatives that the United States has encouraged such as joining the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade pact and increasing its military's capabilities and flexibility."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Cooper, William H., 1949-; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Manyin, Mark E. . . .
2014-02-20
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U.S.-Vietnam Nuclear Cooperation Agreement: Issues for Congress [June 13, 2014]
From the Overview: "Since the United States and Vietnam established diplomatic relations in 1995, the two countries have expanded relations and cooperation across a wide range of sectors. As U.S.-Vietnam bilateral economic, military, and diplomatic ties have grown, so has interest in strengthening cooperation in the nuclear energy sphere. A civilian nuclear cooperation agreement was initialed by the two countries in December 2013 and signed in May 2014 under Section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 (as amended). Such '123 agreements' are necessary for the export of nuclear reactors and components and can help facilitate the transfer of nuclear energy technology. The U.S.-Vietnam 123 agreement is subject to congressional review. Congress received the agreement with the required supporting documents on May 8, 2014, for review. It will enter into force upon the 90th day of continuous session after its submittal to Congress (a period of 30 plus 60 days of review) unless a Joint Resolution disapproving the agreement is enacted. […] Vietnam also has nuclear cooperation agreements with Russia, France, China, South Korea, Japan, and Canada. The U.S. nuclear industry contends that billions of dollars of exports could result from the Vietnam 123 agreement. While it is unclear what, if any, contracts the U.S. nuclear industry would conclude with Vietnam's nuclear energy sector, it is likely that U.S. companies would provide services as part of a reactor supply agreement that Vietnam signed with Japan in 2010. Such services would not necessarily require a U.S. 123 agreement, but transfers might be facilitated if one were in place."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Holt, Mark; Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham
2014-06-13
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U.S.-South Korea Relations [June 24, 2014]
"South Korea is one of the United States' most important strategic and economic partners in Asia, and for the past five years relations between the two countries (known officially as the Republic of Korea, or ROK) have been arguably at their best state in decades. Members of Congress tend to be interested in South Korea-related issues for a number of reasons. First, the United States and South Korea have been allies since the early 1950s. The United States is committed to helping South Korea defend itself, particularly against any aggression from North Korea. 28,500 U.S. troops are based in the ROK and South Korea is included under the U.S. 'nuclear umbrella.' Second, Washington and Seoul cooperate over how to deal with the challenges posed by North Korea. Third, the two countries' economies are closely entwined and are joined by the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). South Korea is the United States' sixth-largest trading partner. The United States is South Korea's second-largest trading partner. In late 2013 and early 2014, South Korea took the first steps toward possible entry into the U.S.-led Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) free trade agreement negotiations."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Chanlett-Avery, Emma . . .
2014-06-24
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U.S.-Vietnam Relations in 2014: Current Issues and Implications for U.S. Policy [June 24, 2014]
"After communist North Vietnam's victory over U.S.-backed South Vietnam in 1975, the United States and Vietnam had minimal relations until the mid-1990s. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1995, overlapping security and economic interests have led the two sides to expand relations across a wide range of sectors. In 2013, President Obama and his Vietnamese counterpart announced a 'comprehensive partnership' that is to provide a framework for moving the relationship to a 'new phase.' A key factor driving the two countries together is a shared concern about China's increased assertiveness in Southeast Asia, particularly in the South China Sea. In 2014, the 113th Congress is likely to confront four inter-related issues with respect to U.S. relations with Vietnam: a 2014 bilateral nuclear energy cooperation agreement; Vietnam's participation with the United States in the 12-country Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) free trade agreement negotiations; questions about how the United States can influence human rights conditions inside Vietnam; and a debate over bilateral security ties, including whether to consider relaxing restrictions on military sales to Vietnam."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.
2014-06-24
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Terrorism in Southeast Asia [October 16, 2009]
"Since September 2001, the United States has increased focus on radical Islamist and terrorist groups in Southeast Asia, particularly those in the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Singapore. Southeast Asia has been a base for terrorist operations. Al Qaeda penetrated the region by establishing local cells, training Southeast Asians in its camps in Afghanistan, and by financing and cooperating with indigenous radical Islamist groups. Indonesia and the southern Philippines have been particularly vulnerable to penetration by Islamic terrorist groups. […] The report looks at the rise of Islamist militancy and the JI [Jemaah Islamiyah] network, and discusses terrorism in the region, concluding with options for U.S. policy. Strategies include placing greater emphasis on attacking institutions that support terrorism, building up regional governments' capacities for combating terrorist groups, and reducing the sense of alienation among Muslim citizens."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Vaughn, Bruce, 1963-; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Dolven, Ben . . .
2009-10-16
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U.S.-Vietnam Nuclear Cooperation Agreement: Issues for Congress [March 24, 2014]
"U.S.-Vietnamese cooperation on nuclear energy and nonproliferation has grown in recent years along with closer bilateral economic, military, and diplomatic ties. In 2010, the two countries signed a Memorandum of Understanding that Obama Administration officials said would be a 'stepping stone' to a bilateral nuclear cooperation agreement. This agreement was signed by the two countries in December 2013. Under section 123 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954 (as amended), this agreement is subject to congressional review. The nuclear cooperation agreement is expected to comply with all the terms of the Atomic Energy Act as amended and therefore will be a 'non-exempt' agreement. This means that it will enter into force upon the 90th day of continuous session after its submittal to Congress (a period of 30 plus 60 days of review) unless Congress enacts a Joint Resolution disapproving the agreement. Vietnam would be the first country in Southeast Asia to operate a nuclear power plant. Vietnam has announced a nuclear energy plan that envisions installing several nuclear plants, capable of producing up to 14,800 megawatts of electric power (MWe), by 2030. Nuclear power is projected to provide 20%-30% of the country's electricity by 2050. Significant work remains, however, to develop Vietnam's nuclear energy infrastructure and regulatory framework."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Holt, Mark; Manyin, Mark E.
2014-03-24
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U.S.-South Korea Relations [February 12, 2014]
"South Korea is one of the United States' most important strategic and economic partners in Asia, and for the past five years relations between the two countries (known officially as the Republic of Korea, or ROK) have been arguably at their best state in decades. Members of Congress tend to be interested South Korea-related issues for a number of reasons. First, the United States and South Korea have been allies since the early 1950s. The United States is committed to helping South Korea defend itself, particularly against any aggression from North Korea. The United States maintains about 28,500 troops in the ROK and South Korea is included under the U.S. 'nuclear umbrella.' Second, Washington and Seoul cooperate over how to deal with the challenges posed by North Korea. Third, South Korea's emergence as a global player on a number of issues has provided greater opportunities for the two countries' governments, businesses, and private organizations to interact and cooperate with one another. Fourth, the two countries' economies are closely entwined and are joined by the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). South Korea is the United States' sixth-largest trading partner. The United States is South Korea's second-largest trading partner. In late 2013 and early 2014, South Korea took the first steps toward possible entry into the U.S.-led Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) free trade agreement negotiations."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Rinehart, Ian E. . . .
2014-02-12
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Maritime Territorial Disputes in East Asia: Issues for Congress [May 14, 2014]
"Rising tensions stemming from maritime territorial disputes in East Asia have become a pressing challenge for U.S. policy makers, and pose one of the most complicated issues for the Obama Administration's policy of strategic 'rebalancing' towards the Asia-Pacific. Since around 2005-2006, long-disputed waters and land features in the South China Sea and, more recently, the East China Sea have seen increasingly aggressive behavior from nations trying to strengthen claims to disputed areas. Although China is not the only nation that has sought to press its maritime territorial claims, actions taken by People's Republic of China (PRC) actors, including its maritime law enforcement authorities and the People's Liberation Army (PLA), have been a particular concern. Chinese maritime authorities have taken actions include harassing vessels, destroying equipment, and blockading islets and shoals. Observers are concerned that the increasing frequency of such events raises the possibility of miscalculations that could lead to overt conflict at sea. […] The Senate may consider offering its advice and consent on the United States becoming a party to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Congress also may choose to examine the economic and security implications of a greater U.S. military presence in disputed areas, or the merits of providing additional resources to Southeast Asian nations to monitor and police their maritime domains. It also may choose to support efforts to lower tensions, including discussions between China and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) on a Code of Conduct for parties in the South China Sea."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Dolven, Ben; Manyin, Mark E.; Kan, Shirley
2014-05-14
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U.S.-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA): Provisions and Implementation [September 16, 2014]
"President Obama signed the legislation implementing the U.S.-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA) on October 21, 2011 (P.L. 112-41), and the Korean National Assembly passed the agreement on November 22, 2011. The KORUS FTA entered into force on March 15, 2012. With the KORUS FTA now in force for over two years, focus has shifted from the debate over its passage to its implementation, economic impact, and effect on future U.S. FTAs. Some U.S. companies have argued that certain aspects of the KORUS agreement are not being implemented appropriately, citing issues related to rules of origin verification, express delivery shipments, data transfers, and pending auto regulations. In addition, a widening trade deficit with South Korea since the implementation of the agreement has led some observers to argue the agreement has not benefitted the U.S. economy, but it is difficult to distinguish the KORUS FTA's impact on U.S.- South Korea trade patterns from the impact of other economic variables. As the largest of the recently passed U.S. FTA's, perceptions of the KORUS FTA's economic impact and concerns over its implementation may influence congressional debate in the new FTAs now under negotiation, specifically the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), which South Korea has signaled an interest in joining, and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (T-TIP) between the United States and the European Union."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Williams, Brock R.; Manyin, Mark E.; Jurenas, Remy . . .
2014-09-16
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U.S.-Vietnam Nuclear Cooperation Agreement: Issues for Congress [September 15, 2014]
"U.S.-Vietnamese cooperation on nuclear energy and nonproliferation has grown in recent years along with closer bilateral economic, military, and diplomatic ties. In 2010, the two countries signed a Memorandum of Understanding that Obama Administration officials said would be a 'stepping stone' to a bilateral nuclear cooperation agreement. This agreement was signed by the two countries on May 6, 2014, and transmitted to Congress for review on May 8. The required congressional review period for this agreement was completed in early September, and the agreement will enter into force after an exchange of diplomatic notes between the two countries. Under the agreement, the United States can license the export of nuclear reactor and research information, material, and equipment to Vietnam. The agreement does not allow for the transfer of restricted data or sensitive nuclear technology, and contains required nonproliferation provisions. The nuclear cooperation agreement complies with all the terms of the Atomic Energy Act as amended and therefore is a 'non-exempt' agreement. This means that it may enter into force after a review period of 90 days of continuous session after its submittal to Congress (a period of 30 plus 60 days of review) unless Congress enacts a joint resolution disapproving agreement, or approving the agreement at an earlier date. Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Robert Menendez introduced a resolution that would approve the agreement (S.J.Res. 36) on May 22. This bill was passed by the Senate on July 31, 2014. No equivalent bill was passed by the House."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Holt, Mark; Manyin, Mark E.
2014-09-15
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [September 24, 2014]
"Japan is a significant partner for the United States in a number of foreign policy areas, particularly in U.S. security priorities, which range from hedging against Chinese military modernization to countering threats from North Korea. The post-World War II alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in Asia. The alliance facilitates the forward deployment of about 50,000 U.S. troops and other U.S. military assets based in Japan. In addition, Japan's participation in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) talks could enhance the credibility and viability of the proposed trade pact, which could be a core component of Administration efforts to 'rebalance' U.S. foreign policy priorities toward the Asia-Pacific region. After years of turmoil, Japanese politics has entered a period of stability with the December 2012 election victory of current Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). New elections are not required to be held until 2016. The LDP's recent election wins have given it control over both chambers, thereby giving Abe more political room to pursue controversial initiatives that the United States has encouraged such as joining the proposed TPP trade pact and increasing the Japanese military's capabilities and flexibility. The political continuity in Tokyo has allowed Abe to reinforce his agenda of revitalizing the Japanese economy and boosting the U.S.-Japan alliance, both goals that the Obama Administration has actively supported."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Manyin, Mark E.; Rinehart, Ian E. . . .
2014-09-24
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U.S.-South Korea Beef Dispute: Negotiations and Status [July 24, 2008]
"On April 18, 2008, U.S. and South Korean negotiators reached agreement on the sanitary rules that Korea will apply to beef imports from the United States. It allows for imports of all cuts of U.S. boneless and bone-in beef and other beef products from cattle, irrespective of age, as long as specified risk materials known to transmit mad cow disease are removed and other conditions are met. […] To respond to mounting public pressure, the Korean government twice pursued talks with the United States to find ways to defuse public concerns without 'renegotiating' the beef agreement. In the second round, both governments on June 21 confirmed a 'voluntary private sector' arrangement that will allow Korean firms to import U.S. beef produced only from cattle less than 30 months old, and announced some changes to the April agreement. Both countries view this arrangement as a transitional step to improve Korean consumer confidence. In longstanding negotiations with South Korea, U.S. trade officials have maintained that U.S. beef is safe, pointing out that it is consumed by millions of Americans. They point out that the U.S. measures in place to prevent the introduction of BSE [bovine spongiform encephalopathy] in U.S. cattle herds already meet international scientific standards. The anti-beef agreement protests could have lingering effects on U.S.-South Korean relations, because of the erosion of the Korean President's political standing, the possible effects on the ability of his government to secure ratification of the KORUS FTA [Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement], and his efforts to upgrade the bilateral military and strategic alliance. This report will be updated to reflect developments."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Jurenas, Remy; Manyin, Mark E.
2008-07-24
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U.S.-South Korea Beef Dispute: Issues and Status [August 3, 2011]
"The Obama Administration had been pressed to resolve the terms of U.S. beef access to South Korea before the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA) goes to Congress for debate. While Korea committed in the FTA to reduce its 40% tariff on imported U.S. beef over a 15-year period, its limits on such imports for human health reasons threatened to undercut this preferential benefit for U.S. exporters. In 2003, South Korea was the third-largest market for U.S. beef exports, prior to the ban its government imposed after the first U.S. cow infected with mad cow disease, or BSE (bovine spongiform encephalopathy), was discovered. U.S. efforts to regain full access became intertwined with the subsequent KORUS negotiations, but did not yield results by the time those talks concluded in April 2007. In reaction, some Members of Congress stated their consideration of, and support for, KORUS depends on South Korea fully opening its market to U.S. beef. […] Korea's position was shaped by the memory of the size and intensity of the 2008 anti-beef agreement protests. President Obama, in discussing this outcome, stated that the United States will continue to work toward 'ensuring full access for U.S. beef to the Korean market.' To address lingering congressional concerns, the Administration in early May 2011 committed to request consultations with South Korea on the 'full implementation' of the protocol as soon as KORUS takes effect, and to provide additional funds for U.S. beef promotion activities in the Korean market. Beef and meat industry groups have welcomed the steps made since to submit KORUS to Congress, have expressed their support, and have urged Congress to move quickly to ratify it."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Jurenas, Remy; Manyin, Mark E.
2011-08-03
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Senkaku (Diaoyu/Diaoyutai) Islands Dispute: U.S. Treaty Obligations [January 22, 2013]
"Since the mid-1990s, tensions have spiked periodically among Japan, China, and Taiwan over the disputed Senkaku (Diaoyu/Diaoyutai) islets in the East China Sea. These flare-ups run the risk of involving the United States in an armed conflict in the region. Japan administers the eight small, uninhabited islets, which some geologists believe sit near significant oil and natural gas deposits. China and Taiwan both contest Japanese claims of sovereignty over the islets. […] Each time tensions over the islets have flared, questions have arisen concerning the U.S. legal relationship to the islets. This report will focus on that issue, which has four elements: 1. U.S. administration of the Senkakus (Diaoyu Islands) from 1953 to 1971; 2. the application to the Senkakus (Diaoyu Islands) of the 1971 'Treaty Between Japan and the United States of America Concerning the Ryukyu Islands and the Daito Islands'--commonly known as the Okinawa Reversion Treaty, approved by the Senate in 1971 and entered into force the following year (the Daito Islands lie to the east of Okinawa); 3. the U.S. view on the claims of the disputants; and 4. the relationship of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty to the islets."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.
2013-01-22
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Maritime Territorial Disputes in East Asia: Issues for Congress [January 30, 2013]
"Tensions surrounding numerous maritime territorial disputes in East Asia have become a pressing challenge for U.S. foreign policymakers. Beginning around 2005-2006, long-disputed waters in the South China Sea and, more recently, the East China Sea have become the site of increasingly aggressive behavior from nations trying to strengthen claims to disputed areas or to explore and develop offshore energy and fishery resources. Rising tensions in these waters raise a number of important issues for the 113th Congress. The tensions have been fed by a series of aggressive actions by maritime authorities, including harassing vessels, destroying equipment, and blockading islets and shoals. The increasing frequency of such events raises the possibility of miscalculations that could lead to overt conflict at sea. It also poses complex questions about security and U.S. diplomacy in the region, and represents one of the most complicated challenges for the Obama Administration's strategy of 'rebalancing' foreign policy priorities towards the Asia-Pacific. The territorial disputes at the heart of these tensions are decades old, and incidents between the parties to the disputes have been ongoing for many years."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Dolven, Ben; Kan, Shirley; Manyin, Mark E.
2013-01-30
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Proposed U.S.-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA): Provisions and Implications [May 2, 2011]
"On June 30, 2007, U.S. and South Korean trade officials signed the proposed U.S.-South Korean Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA) for their respective countries. If approved, the KORUS FTA would be the second-largest FTA that South Korea has signed to date, after the agreement with the European Union (EU). It would be the second-largest (next to North American Free Trade Agreement, NAFTA) in which the United States participates. South Korea is the seventh-largest trading partner of the United States and the United States is South Korea's third-largest trading partner. Various studies conclude that the agreement would increase bilateral trade and investment flows. The final text of the proposed KORUS FTA covers a wide range of trade and investment issues and, therefore, could have substantial economic implications for both the United States and South Korea. The agreement will not enter into force unless Congress approves implementation legislation. The negotiations were conducted under the trade promotion authority (TPA), also called fast-track trade authority, that Congress granted the President under the Bipartisan Trade Promotion Act of 2002 (P.L. [Public Law] 107-210)."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Cooper, William H., 1949-; Jurenas, Remy . . .
2011-05-02
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Proposed U.S.-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA): Provisions and Implications [March 24, 2011]
"On June 30, 2007, U.S. and South Korean trade officials signed the proposed U.S.-South Korean Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA) for their respective countries. If approved, the KORUS FTA would be the second-largest FTA that South Korea has signed to date, after the agreement with the European Union (EU). It would be the second-largest (next to North American Free Trade Agreement, NAFTA) in which the United States participates. South Korea is the seventh-largest trading partner of the United States and the United States is South Korea's third-largest trading partner. Various studies conclude that the agreement would increase bilateral trade and investment flows. The final text of the proposed KORUS FTA covers a wide range of trade and investment issues and, therefore, could have substantial economic implications for both the United States and South Korea. The agreement will not enter into force unless Congress approves implementation legislation. The negotiations were conducted under the trade promotion authority (TPA), also called fast-track trade authority, that Congress granted the President under the Bipartisan Trade Promotion Act of 2002 (P.L. [Public Law] 107-210)."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Cooper, William H., 1949-; Manyin, Mark E.; Jurenas, Remy . . .
2011-03-24
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EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement and Its Implications for the United States [January 5, 2011]
"On October 6, 2010, the 27 member European Union (EU) and South Korea signed a bilateral free trade agreement (FTA). The agreement is expected to go into effect on July 1, 2011, pending approval by the European Parliament and the South Korean National Assembly. If enacted, the South Korea-EU FTA (KOREU FTA) would be the largest FTA in terms of market size that South Korea has entered into. The KOREU FTA reflects the EU and South Korean trade strategies to use FTAs to strengthen economic ties outside their home regions. It also builds upon the surge in trade and investment flows between South Korea and the EU over the past decade. This agreement has possible implications for U.S. trade with South Korea and congressional action on the proposed U.S.-South Korea FTA (KORUS FTA). The proposed KOREU FTA is very comprehensive. It would reduce and eliminate tariffs and other trade barriers in manufactured goods, agricultural products and services and would also cover such trade-related activities as government procurement, intellectual property rights, labor rights and environmental issues. […] U.S. and European firms are close competitors in a number of sectors and industries, particularly autos. Some business representatives argue that enactment of the KOREU FTA before enactment of the KORUS FTA would give European competitors commercial first mover advantages, since EU firms, such as those in the auto industry or the services sector, could gain greater market opportunities in South Korea not afforded to U.S. firms. On the other hand, other factors could also mitigate such advantages. For example, U.S. multinational firms operating in the EU could benefit from the KOREU FTA. Nevertheless, the content and fate of the KOREU FTA could influence the pace and tone of any debate in the United States on the KORUS FTA in the 112th Congress."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Cooper, William H., 1949-; Jurenas, Remy; Platzer, Michaela D. . . .
2011-01-05
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EU-South Korea Free Trade Agreement and Its Implications for the United States [May 3, 2011]
"On October 6, 2010, the 27 member European Union (EU) and South Korea signed a bilateral free trade agreement (FTA). The South Korean National Assembly and the EU Parliament have ratified the agreement. The agreement is expected to go into effect on July 1, 2011. The South Korea-EU FTA (KOREU FTA) is the largest FTA in terms of market size that South Korea has entered into. The KOREU FTA reflects the EU and South Korean trade strategies to use FTAs to strengthen economic ties outside their home regions. […] This agreement has possible implications for U.S. trade with South Korea and congressional action on the proposed U.S.-South Korea FTA (KORUS FTA). The KOREU FTA is very comprehensive. It would reduce and eliminate tariffs and other trade barriers in manufactured goods, agricultural products and services and would also cover such trade-related activities as government procurement, intellectual property rights, labor rights and environmental issues. […] U.S. and European firms are close competitors in a number of sectors and industries, particularly autos. Some business representatives argue that enactment of the KOREU FTA before enactment of the KORUS FTA would give European competitors commercial first mover advantages, since EU firms, such as those in the auto industry or the services sector, could gain greater market opportunities in South Korea not afforded to U.S. firms. On the other hand, other factors could also mitigate such advantages. [...] Nevertheless, the content and fate of the KOREU FTA could influence the pace and tone of any debate in the United States on the KORUS FTA in the 112th Congress."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Platzer, Michaela D.; Jurenas, Remy . . .
2011-05-03
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U.S.-South Korea Relations [February 5, 2013]
"Since late 2008, relations between the United States and South Korea (known officially as the Republic of Korea, or ROK) have been arguably at their best state in decades. Much of the current closeness between Seoul and Washington is due to the policies undertaken by President Lee Myung-bak, who will leave office at the end of February 2013. His successor, Park Geunhye, is another conservative leader who is expected to maintain strong ties to the United States. However, while the overall U.S.-South Korean relationship is expected to remain healthy under Park, she also has hinted at policy moves--particularly with respect to North Korea and civilian nuclear cooperation--that could strain bilateral ties. Members of Congress tend to be interested in South Korea-related issues because of bilateral cooperation over North Korea, the U.S.-South Korea alliance, South Korea's growing importance in various global issues, deep bilateral economic ties, and the interests of many Korean-Americans. The 112th Congress held over 15 hearings directly related to South and North Korea."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Chanlett-Avery, Emma . . .
2013-02-05
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U.S.-Vietnam Relations in 2010: Current Issues and Implications for U.S. Policy [February 4, 2011]
"After communist North Vietnam's victory over U.S.-backed South Vietnam in 1975, the United States and Vietnam had minimal relations until the mid-1990s. Since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1995, overlapping security and economic interests have led the two sides to begin to form a strategic partnership of sorts. In 2010, the Obama Administration indicated its intent to take relations to 'the next level,' and cooperated with Vietnam to coordinate a multicountry diplomatic push back against perceived Chinese encroachment in the South China Sea. In the United States, voices favoring improved relations have included those reflecting U.S. business interests in Vietnam's reforming economy and U.S. strategic interests in expanding cooperation with a populous country--Vietnam has 88 million people--that has an ambivalent relationship with China and that is asserting itself on the regional stage. Others argue that improvements in bilateral relations should be conditioned upon Vietnam's authoritarian government improving its record on human rights. The population of more than 1 million Vietnamese Americans, as well as legacies of the Vietnam War, also drive continued U.S. interest. Vietnamese leaders have sought to upgrade relations with the United States in part due to the desire for continued access to the U.S. market and to worries about China's expanding influence in Southeast Asia. That said, Sino-Vietnam relations are Vietnam's most important bilateral relationship and Vietnamese leaders must tiptoe carefully along the tightrope between Washington and Beijing, such that improved relations with one capital not be perceived as a threat to the other."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.
2011-02-04
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Proposed U.S.-South Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA): Provisions and Implications [March 1, 2011]
"On June 30, 2007, U.S. and South Korean trade officials signed the proposed U.S.-South Korean Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA) for their respective countries. If approved, the KORUS FTA would be the second-largest FTA that South Korea has signed to date, after the agreement with the European Union (EU). It would be the second-largest (next to North American Free Trade Agreement, NAFTA) in which the United States participates. South Korea is the seventhlargest trading partner of the United States and the United States is South Korea's third-largest trading partner. Various studies conclude that the agreement would increase bilateral trade and investment flows. The final text of the proposed KORUS FTA covers a wide range of trade and investment issues and, therefore, could have substantial economic implications for both the United States and South Korea. The agreement will not enter into force unless Congress approves implementation legislation. The negotiations were conducted under the trade promotion authority (TPA), also called fast-track trade authority, that Congress granted the President under the Bipartisan Trade Promotion Act of 2002 (P.L. 107-210)."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Jurenas, Remy; Manyin, Mark E.; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2011-03-01
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U.S.-South Korea Relations [December 8, 2010]
"Since late 2008, relations between the United States and South Korea (known officially as the Republic of Korea, or ROK) have been arguably at their best state in decades. By the middle of 2010, in the view of many in the Obama Administration, South Korea had emerged as the United States' closest ally in East Asia. Of all the issues on the bilateral agenda, Congress has the most direct role to play in the proposed Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). Congressional approval is necessary for the agreement to go into effect. In early December 2010, the two sides announced they had agreed on modifications to the original agreement, which was signed in 2007. South Korea accepted a range of U.S. demands designed to help the U.S. auto industry and received some concessions in return. In the United States, the supplementary deal appears to have changed the minds of many groups and members of Congress who previously had opposed the FTA, which is now expected to be presented to the 112th Congress in 2011. If Congress approves the agreement, it would be the United States' second largest FTA, after the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). U.S.-South Korean coordination over policy towards North Korea has been particularly close. The Obama and Lee Administrations have adopted a medium-to-longer-term policy of 'strategic patience' that involves three main elements: refusing to return to the Six-Party Talks without an assurance from North Korea that it would take 'irreversible steps' to denuclearize; gradually attempting to alter China's strategic assessment of North Korea; and using Pyongyang's provocations as opportunities to tighten sanctions against North Korean entities."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Taylor, Mi Ae; Manyin, Mark E.; Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham
2010-12-08
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South Korea: Background and U.S. Relations [Updated May 20, 2019]
From the Document: "South Korea (officially the Republic of Korea, or ROK) is one of the United States' most important strategic and economic partners in Asia. The U.S.-ROK Mutual Defense Treaty, signed in 1953 at the end of the Korean War, commits the United States to help South Korea defend itself, particularly from North Korea (officially the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, or DPRK). Approximately 28,500 U.S. troops are based in the ROK, which is included under the U.S. 'nuclear umbrella.' The U.S.-ROK economic relationship is bolstered by the U.S.- South Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). South Korea is the United States' seventh-largest trading partner, and the United States is South Korea's second-largest trading partner, behind China."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Williams, Brock R.
2019-05-20
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Proposed U.S.-South-Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA): Provisions and Implications [December 15, 2010]
"On June 30, 2007, U.S. and South Korean trade officials signed the proposed U.S.-South Korean Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA) for their respective countries. If approved, the KORUS FTA would be the second-largest FTA that South Korea has signed to date, after the agreement with the European Union (EU). It would be the second-largest (next to North American Free Trade Agreement, NAFTA) in which the United States participates. South Korea is the seventh-largest trading partner of the United States and the United States is South Korea's third-largest trading partner. Various studies conclude that the agreement would increase bilateral trade and investment flows. The final text of the proposed KORUS FTA covers a wide range of trade and investment issues and, therefore, could have substantial economic implications for both the United States and South Korea. The agreement will not enter into force unless Congress approves implementation legislation. The negotiations were conducted under the trade promotion authority (TPA), also called fast-track trade authority, that Congress granted the President under the Bipartisan Trade Promotion Act of 2002 (P.L. 107-210). [...] A broad swath of the U.S. business community supports the KORUS FTA. With the modifications in the agreement reached in December, this group also includes the three Detroit-based auto manufacturers and the United Auto Workers (UAW) union. It still faces opposition from some labor unions and other groups, including Public Citizen. Many U.S. supporters view passage of the KORUS FTA as important to secure new opportunities in the South Korean market, while opponents claim that the KORUS FTA does not go far enough to break down South Korean trade barriers or that the agreement will encourage U.S. companies to move their production offshore at the expense of U.S. workers. Other observers have suggested the outcome of the KORUS FTA could have implications for the U.S.-South Korean alliance as a whole, as well as on U.S. Asia policy and U.S. trade policy, particularly in light of an FTA signed in October 2010 by South Korea and the EU."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Jurenas, Remy; Manyin, Mark E.; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2010-12-15
