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Beyond the Wall: Chinese Far Seas Operations
"This volume is the product of a groundbreaking dialogue on sea-lane security held between People's Liberation Army (PLA) Navy and U.S. Navy scholars at the Naval War College in August 2013, with additional material from a related conference, 'China's Far Seas Operations,' hosted by the China Maritime Studies Institute in May 2012. At that time the political climate in China was uncertain, in the shadow of the Bo Xilai crisis and of the impending transition of power between the Hu and Xi regimes; accordingly the PLA Navy, though invited to participate in the 'Far Seas' conference, ultimately declined to do so. This was not entirely surprising. Attempts by various agencies of the U.S. Navy up to that time to engage in discussions to advance maritime cooperation between China and the United States had been met with lukewarm responses at best. But at a maritime security dialogue in Dalian in September 2012 Senior Capt. Zhang Junshe of the PLA Navy Research Institute, a key contributor to this volume and to the success of the academic cooperation between our two institutes, approached Peter Dutton to tell him that everything had changed. China's new leadership wanted the PLA Navy to engage the U.S. Navy actively and to discuss openly all relevant issues, with the aim of advancing cooperation between the two navies. Since that time members of the China Maritime Studies Institute have engaged members of the PLA Navy Research Institute in discussions on a rich variety of maritime topics, leading to advances in understanding between our two institutes and our two navies."
Naval War College (U.S.); Naval War College (U.S.). China Maritime Studies Institute
Rielage, Dale C., 1970-; Zhengyu, Wu; Qiyu, Xu . . .
2015-05
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China's Near Seas Combat Capabilities
This study contains eight separate reports on China's near seas combat capabilities. Chapters included in this report are the following: "Chinese Houbei Fast Attack Craft: Beyond Sea Denial" by John Patch; "Underwater TELs [transporter-erector-launchers] and China's Antisubmarine Warfare: Evolving Strength and a Calculated Weakness" by William S. Murry; "China's Second Artillery Force: Capabilities and Missions for the Near Seas" by Ron Christman; "Aerospace Power and China's Counterstrike Doctrine in the Near Seas" by Daniel J. Kostecka; "Chinese Air Superiority in the Near Seas" by David Shlapak; "Land- and Sea-Based C4ISR [Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance] Infrastructure in China's Near Seas" by Eric D. Pedersen; "Chinese Air- and Space-Based ISR [Intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance]: Integrating Aerospace Combat Capabilities over the Near Seas" by Andrew S. Erickson; and "China's Surface Fleet Trajectory: Implications for the U.S. Navy" by Timothy A. Walton and Bryan McGrath.
Naval War College (U.S.). China Maritime Studies Institute
Martinson, Ryan; Erickson, Andrew S.; Dutton, Peter
2014-02
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No Substitute for Experience: Chinese Antipiracy Operations in the Gulf of Aden
"The twenty-sixth of December 2012 marked an important date in Chinese military history--the fourth anniversary of China's furthest and most extensive naval operations to date, the ongoing antipiracy deployments in the Gulf of Aden. In the first-ever simultaneous three-fleet public display, China's North Sea Fleet, East Sea Fleet, and South Sea Fleet all held 'open day activities.' […] Over the past four years, the People's Liberation Army Navy [PLAN] has deployed nearly ten thousand personnel on thirty-seven warships with twenty-eight helicopters in thirteen task forces. Over the course of more than five hundred operations, these forces have protected more than five thousand commercial vessels--Chinese and foreign in nearly equal proportion, the latter flagged by more than fifty nations. They have 'successfully met and escorted, rescued and salvaged over 60 ships.' Ships saved from pirates by PLAN ships include four transports loaded with World Food Programme cargo. Beijing has rightly been recognized for this contribution: 'The escort in the Gulf of Aden provided by the Chinese naval task force is a strong support in cracking down [on] Somali piracies [sic] for the international community' Ban Ki-moon, secretary-general of the United Nations (UN), has been quoted as declaring, 'which reflects China's important role in international affairs.' In a new era of international interaction, the PLAN has cooperated with counterpart vessels from over twenty foreign countries 'to exchange information regarding piracy in the Gulf of Aden and the Somali sea area.'"
Naval War College (U.S.)
Erickson, Andrew S.; Strange, Austin M.
2013-11
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China's Oil Security Pipe Dream: The Reality, and Strategic Consequences, of Seaborne Imports
"Between now and 2025--a widely used strategic planning horizon--the world's major economies will likely still depend to a large degree on traditional energy sources. Oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG), despite their economic and strategic differences, are the two with inherent naval significance, as they must be transported by sea to the extent that domestic supplies or overland pipelines are insufficient. Indeed, maritime transport is properly conceived as a default, as it is almost always significantly cheaper than any overland alternatives, many of which are simply impractical in any case. The recent global recession has further reduced tanker rates. Private-sector analysts have produced detailed forecasts of supply and demand for these two critical commodities. But no researchers have yet produced a detailed study of the strategic and naval implications of Chinese energy access. The market focus of energy intelligence firms and the lack of security and technical information informing journalists in the energy field have so far precluded analysis of the issue. This gap must be filled. The National Intelligence Council's 'Global Trends 2025' report 'projects a still-preeminent U.S. joined by fast developing powers, notably India and China, atop a multipolar international system' that 'will be subject to an increased likelihood of conflict over scarce resources'--one of them being energy. Russia will have great influence as an energy supplier. 'No other countries are projected to rise to the level of China, India, or Russia, and none is likely to match their individual global clout.' More specifically, 'Maritime security concerns are providing a rationale for naval buildups and modernization efforts, such as China's and India's development of blue-water naval capabilities.'"
Naval War College (U.S.)
Collins, Gabriel B.; Erickson, Andrew S.
2010
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Using the Land to Control the Sea? Chinese Analysts Consider the Antiship Ballistic Missile
"The Chinese are interested in achieving an anti-ship ballistic missile (ASBM) capability because it offers them the prospect of limiting the ability of other nations, particularly the United States, to exert military influence on China's maritime periphery, which contains several disputed zones of core strategic importance to Beijing. [...] Although open sources do not claim that China currently has a proven ASBM capability, U.S. government sources have stated consistently that Beijing is developing an ASBM based on a variant of the land-based DF-21/CSS-5 medium-range ballistic missile (MRBM). [...] Chinese leaders do not seek war. Rather, they want to defend what they perceive to be their nation's core territorial interests and to ensure a stable environment for domestic economic development. If they develop an ASBM, then, they would likely hope that it could prevent U.S. projection of military power in ways that were inimical to China's interests. They would thus hope to achieve deterrence without going to war. That said, America has its own national interests, including maintaining freedom of navigation, reassuring such key regional allies as Japan and South Korea, preserving peace in the Taiwan Strait, and safeguarding Taiwan's democracy. A demonstrated Chinese ASBM capability, particularly if the Chinese side failed to offer explanations and reassurances, could threaten these interests and be strategically destabilizing. This would necessitate American development and demonstration of robust countermeasures that Beijing would come to regret. Herein lies one more way in which Chinese open-source discussions of ASBMs are significant, and must be addressed."
Naval War College (U.S.)
Erickson, Andrew S.; Yang, David D.
2009-09
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Gunboats for China's New 'Grand Canals'? Probing the Intersection of Beijing's Naval and Oil Security Policies
"The possible interaction between China's developing oil security and naval strategies poses important questions. Gunboats were once used to invade China in the name of protecting international commerce. Now China is itself acquiring powerful warships, but its precise reasons for doing so remain unclear. What relationships do Chinese civilian and military leaders envision between maritime commerce, oil availability, and the use of force in international affairs? Such questions appear to be largely undecided in China. They perplex the U.S. Department of Defense, which stated in 2008 that 'the extent to which Beijing's concerns over the security of its access to oil supplies shapes China's defense policy and force planning is not known.' But they are questions that China will increasingly confront in the future, as its role on the global stage, including both economic and military aspects, continues to increase. The maritime dimensions of China's emerging oil security strategy have received considerable attention from analysts, both inside and outside the nation. But to date, few scholars have attempted to analyze comprehensively oil security--related writings in Chinese naval and maritime publications. This article will therefore offer possible answers to these questions and attempt to fill an important gap in the existing literature by surveying the maritime oil security discussions conducted by Chinese naval and energy specialists."
Naval War College (U.S.)
Goldstein, Lyle; Erickson, Andrew S.
2009
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Chinese Evaluations of the U.S. Navy Submarine Force
"Over the last decade, there has been an explosion of publishing in China on all subjects, including strategic and military-technical research. Thus, there are at least five serious journals devoted to naval warfare and dozens of more technically oriented journals.1 In this project, well over a thousand Chinese articles were surveyed, of which approximately 150 were judged worthy of closer scrutiny and analysis by the research team. The danger of circularity--attributing to Chinese analysts ideas that have simply been translated from original English-language sources into Chinese--is real, but one that the research team carefully considered throughout. Most Chinese journals now openly attribute English-language articles to their original sources. By and large, this kind of material (direct translation from English) was not evaluated in this study, in favor of articles that appeared to represent the actual opinions of Chinese naval and defense analysts. This article is divided into five parts. The first section surveys Chinese reactions to a variety of current issues in the U.S. submarine force, including recent deployments and incidents of special interest. A second section examines Chinese evaluations of specific submarine force capabilities, focusing especially on new factors […] that have been central to transformation efforts. Section three considers some critical historical issues, particularly Chinese perceptions of U.S. submarine operations during the Cold War. A fourth section considers how Chinese analysts believe their antisubmarine forces would match up against the U.S. submarine force. Section five reviews Chinese perceptions regarding the overall future trajectory of the U.S. submarine force. A conclusion summarizes the article and offers policy recommendations."
Naval War College (U.S.)
Collins, Gabriel B.; Erickson, Andrew S.; Goldstein, Lyle . . .
2008
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Assessing the New U.S. Maritime Strategy: A Window into Chinese Thinking
"The new U.S. maritime strategy embodies a historic reassessment of the international system and how the nation can best pursue its interests in harmony with those of other states. In light of the strategy's focus on building partnerships to better safeguard the global maritime commons, it is vital that American leaders clearly understand the frank and unvarnished views of allies, friends, and potential partners. […] China is a key global stakeholder with which the United States shares many common maritime interests. Beijing has not made any official public statements on the maritime strategy thus far. Yet Chinese opinions on this matter are clearly important, even if they suggest that in some areas the two nations must 'agree to disagree.' Chinese reactions to the maritime strategy provide a window into a larger strategic dynamic -- not just in East Asia, where China is already developing as a great power, but globally, where it has the potential to play a major role as well. How the United States can maintain its existing status and role while China continues to rise -- as the world's greatest developed and developing powers attempt to reach an understanding that might be termed 'competitive coexistence' -- will be perhaps the critical question in international relations for the twenty-first century. To that end, this study analyzes three of the most significant unofficial Chinese assessments of the maritime strategy publicly available to date and offers annotated full-length translations (which follow, in the form of essays) so that a foreign audience can survey the documents themselves."
Naval War College (U.S.)
Erickson, Andrew S.
2008
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China's Future Nuclear Submarine Force: Insights from Chinese Writings
"On 26 October 2006, a Chinese Song-class attack submarine reportedly surfaced in close proximity to the USS 'Kitty Hawk' carrier battle group in international waters near Okinawa. This was not the first time that Chinese submarines have attracted extensive media attention. The advent of the Yuan-class SSK in mid-2004 seems to have had a major impact in transforming the assessments of Western naval analysts, and also of the broader community of analysts studying China's military modernization. In order to grasp the energy that China is now committing to undersea warfare, consider that during 2002--2004 China's navy launched thirteen submarines while simultaneously undertaking the purchase of submarines from Russia on an unprecedented scale. Indeed, China commissioned thirty-one new submarines between 1995 and 2005. Given this rapid evolution, appraisals of China's capability to field competent and lethal diesel submarines in the littorals have slowly changed from ridicule to grudging respect of late. China's potential for complex technological development is finally being taken seriously abroad."
Naval War College (U.S.)
Goldstein, Lyle; Erickson, Andrew S.
2007
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China's Nuclear Force Modernization
"The three chapters that follow examine the pace of Chinas nuclear modernization under the sea and in space, as well as its relationship to U.S. missile defense initiatives. This chapter will systematically evaluate the overall strategic integration of Chinas nuclear forces, focusing on the issue of nuclear command and control (NC2). Perhaps even more than the companion papers in this volume, such an effort necessarily relies on a highly circumscribed data set. Nonetheless, there is broad consensus in security studies on the need for defense analyses that probe the people, institutions, and doctrines that stand behind the weapons themselves. Indeed, at a time when there are dramatically diverging estimates concerning the future dimensions of Chinas nuclear forces, such a 'software' approach may be most appropriate."
Naval War College (U.S.). Press
Goldstein, Lyle; Erickson, Andrew S.
2005
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