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Thailand: Background and U.S. Relations [Updated April 5, 2007]
" U.S.-Thailand relations are of particular interest to Congress because of Thailand's status as a long-time military ally and a significant trade and economic partner. The currently-stalled proposed U.S.-Thailand Free Trade Agreement (FTA) would require implementing legislation to take effect. However, the ouster of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra by a military coup in September 2006 and subsequent economic and political instability has cast uncertainty on how U.S. priorities will fare in the future. Future U.S.-Thai relations will likely depend upon how quickly the military rulers fulfill their promise to restore democratic rule. Despite differences on Burma policy and human rights issues, shared economic and security interests have long provided the basis for U.S.-Thai cooperation. Thailand contributed troops and support for U.S. military operations in both Afghanistan and Iraq and was designated as a major non-NATO ally by President Bush in December 2003. Thailand's airfields and ports play a particularly important role in U.S. global military strategy, including having served as the primary hub of the relief effort following the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami. The high-profile arrest of radical Islamic leader Hambali in a joint Thai-U.S. operation in 2003 underscores Thailand's role in the U.S.-led war on terrorism. The U.S.-Thai bilateral trade total in 2005 was $25 billion; Thailand is the United States' 19th largest trading partner."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2007-04-05
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [Updated March 28, 2007]
"The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance, with its access to bases in Japan, where about 53,000 U.S. troops are stationed, facilitates the forward deployment of U.S. military forces in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. The Bush Administration has made significant strides in its goals of broadening U.S.-Japan strategic cooperation and encouraging Japan to assume a more active international role. Following the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, Japan made its first-ever military deployments in non-combat support of U.S. and allied forces in Afghanistan. In 2004 Tokyo sent non-combat troops to Iraq, despite considerable domestic opposition. Japan generally has supported the 'hardline' U.S. position in the Six-Party Talks on North Korea's nuclear program. In 2005 the U.S. and Japan announced a sweeping new agreement to strengthen military cooperation. The plan calls for U.S. forces to be realigned and Japan to take on a more active (non-combat) role in maintaining regional and global security."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2007-03-28
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International Efforts to Control the Spread of the Avian Influenza (H5N1) Virus: Affected Countries' Responses [Updated August 24, 2006]
"A strain of the avian influenza virus known as H5N1 threatens to develop into a human pandemic. First appearing in birds and humans in Hong Kong in 1997, the virus re-surfaced in late 2003 and since has spread throughout Asia, causing over 100 reported human deaths from Vietnam to Turkey and appearing in birds in Africa and Europe. The strain is considered particularly dangerous because of its human fatality rate to date of over 50% and because of the risk that the virus may develop the ability to pass efficiently between humans. This report focuses on the efforts of overseas governments to combat the spread of avian influenza, specifically on the response of those countries which have confirmed human deaths from the virus. As of August 2006, the vast majority of fatal and total cases have been in East Asia, including Vietnam (42/93), Indonesia (44/57), Thailand (16/24), China (14/21), and Cambodia (6/6). In 2006, human cases and deaths from H5N1 were newly reported in Azerbaijan (5/8), Turkey (4/12), Egypt (6/14), Iraq (2/2), and Djibouti (0/1). Appearance of the disease in animals has spurred prevention efforts on three continents, including the slaughter or vaccination of millions of domestic poultry."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Cook, Nicolas; Dumbaugh, Kerry; Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2006-08-24
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North Korean Economy: Overview and Policy Analysis [Updated April 18, 2007]
"This report provides an overview of the economy of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) or North Korea, its external economic relations, attempts at reform, and U.S. policy options. Along with the United States, North Korea's major trading partners - China, Japan, South Korea, and Russia - form the so-called 'six parties,' who are engaged in talks, currently restarted, to resolve issues raised by the DPRK's development of nuclear weapons. The economy of North Korea is of interest to Congress because it provides the financial and industrial resources for Pyongyang to develop its military, can be used as leverage in negotiations, constitutes an important 'push factor' for potential refugees seeking to flee the country, creates pressures for the country to trade in arms and illegal drugs, is a rationale for humanitarian assistance, is tied to Pyongyang's nuclear program, and creates instability that affects South Korea and China. The North Korean threat to sell nuclear weapons material could be driven in part by Pyongyang's need to generate export earnings. The dismal economic conditions also foster forces of discontent that potentially could turn against the Kim regime - especially if knowledge of the luxurious lifestyle of communist party leaders becomes better known or as the poor economic performance hurts even Pyongyang's elite. Economic conditions in North Korea currently seem to be improving but have been dismal for those out of the center of power. Mass starvation - eased only by international food aid and other humanitarian assistance - has stalked the countryside."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Nanto, Dick Kazuyuki; Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2007-04-18
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [Updated May 3, 2006]
"Japan is one of the United States' most important economic partners. Outside of North America, it is the United States' largest export market and second-largest source of imports. Japanese firms are the U.S.' second-largest source of foreign direct investment, and Japanese investors are by far the largest foreign holders of U.S. treasuries, helping to finance the U.S. deficit and reduce upward pressure on U.S. interest rates. Bilateral trade friction has decreased in recent years, partly because U.S. concern about the trade deficit with Japan has been replaced by concern about a much larger deficit with China. The exception was U.S. criticism over Japan's decision in 2003 to ban imports of U.S. beef."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2006-05-03
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [Updated June 30, 2006]
"The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance, with its access to bases in Japan, where about 53,000 U.S. troops are stationed, facilitates the forward deployment of U.S. military forces in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. The Bush Administration has made significant strides in its goals of broadening U.S.-Japan strategic cooperation and encouraging Japan to assume a more active international role. Following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, Japan made its first-ever military deployments in noncombat support of U.S. and allied forces in Afghanistan. Koizumi also was a prominent backer of the U.S. invasion of Iraq and in 2004 Tokyo sent noncombat troops to Iraq, despite considerable domestic opposition. Japan generally has supported the 'hardline' U.S. position in the Six- Party Talks on North Korea's nuclear program. Japan is participating in bilateral missile defense research and development. In 2005 the U.S. and Japan announced a sweeping new agreement to strengthen military cooperation. The plan calls for U.S. forces to be realigned and Japan to take on a more active (non-combat) role in maintaining regional and global security. The envisioned changes are intended to complement the broader Pentagon goal of deploying a more streamlined and mobile force in Asia."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2006-06-30
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [Updated August 7, 2006]
"The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance, with its access to bases in Japan, where about 53,000 U.S. troops are stationed, facilitates the forward deployment of U.S. military forces in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. The Bush Administration has made significant strides in its goals of broadening U.S.-Japan strategic cooperation and encouraging Japan to assume a more active international role. Following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, Japan made its first-ever military deployments in noncombat support of U.S. and allied forces in Afghanistan. Koizumi was a prominent backer of the U.S. invasion of Iraq and in 2004 Tokyo sent noncombat troops to Iraq, despite considerable domestic opposition. Japan generally has supported the 'hardline' U.S. position in the Six-Party Talks on North Korea's nuclear program. Japan is participating in bilateral missile defense research and development. In 2005 the U.S. and Japan announced a sweeping new agreement to strengthen military cooperation. The plan calls for U.S. forces to be realigned and Japan to take on a more active (non-combat) role in maintaining regional and global security. The envisioned changes are intended to complement the broader Pentagon goal of deploying a more streamlined and mobile force in Asia."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2006-08-07
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Thailand: Background and U.S. Relations [Updated October 2, 2006]
"U.S.-Thailand relations are of particular interest to Congress because of Thailand's status as a long-time military ally, a key country in the war against terrorism in Southeast Asia, and a significant trade and economic partner. A proposed U.S.-Thailand Free Trade Agreement (FTA) would require implementing legislation to take effect. However, the recent ouster of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra by a military coup has cast uncertainty on how these U.S. priorities will fare in the near future. Future U.S.-Thai relations will likely depend upon how quickly the military rulers fulfill their promise to restore democratic rule. Despite differences on Burma policy and human rights issues, shared economic and security interests have long provided the basis for U.S.-Thai cooperation. Thailand contributed troops and support for U.S. military operations in both Afghanistan and Iraq and was designated as a major non-NATO ally by President Bush in December 2003. Thailand's airfields and ports play a particularly important role in U.S. global military strategy, including having served as the primary hub of the relief effort following the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami. The high-profile arrest of radical Islamic leader Hambali in a joint Thai-U.S. operation in 2003 underscores Thailand's role in the U.S.-led war on terrorism."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2006-10-02
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [Updated October 5, 2006]
"The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance, with its access to bases in Japan, where about 53,000 U.S. troops are stationed, facilitates the forward deployment of U.S. military forces in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. The Bush Administration has made significant strides in its goals of broadening U.S.-Japan strategic cooperation and encouraging Japan to assume a more active international role. Following the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, Japan made its first-ever military deployments in non-combat support of U.S. and allied forces in Afghanistan. In 2004 Tokyo sent non-combat troops to Iraq, despite considerable domestic opposition. Japan generally has supported the 'hardline' U.S. position in the Six-Party Talks on North Korea's nuclear program. In 2005 the U.S. and Japan announced a sweeping new agreement to strengthen military cooperation. The plan calls for U.S. forces to be realigned and Japan to take on a more active (non-combat) role in maintaining regional and global security."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2006-10-05
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [Updated November 21, 2007]
"The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance, with its access to bases in Japan, where about 53,000 U.S. troops are stationed, facilitates the forward deployment of U.S. military forces in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. Japan is one of the United States' most important economic partners. Outside of North America, it is the United States' largest export market and second-largest source of imports. Japanese firms are the United States' second-largest source of foreign direct investment, and Japanese investors are by far the largest foreign holders of U.S. treasuries, helping to finance the U.S. deficit and reduce upward pressure on U.S. interest rates. Bilateral trade friction has decreased in recent years, partly because U.S. concern about the trade deficit with Japan has been replaced by concern about a much larger deficit with China. The exception was U.S. criticism over Japan's decision in 2003 to ban imports of U.S. beef, which have since resumed."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2007-11-21
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [Updated September 27, 2007]
"The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance […] facilitates the forward deployment of U.S. military forces in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. The Bush Administration has made significant strides in its goals of broadening U.S.-Japan strategic cooperation and encouraging Japan to assume a more active international role. Following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, Japan made its first-ever military deployments in non-combat support of U.S. and allied forces in Afghanistan. In 2004 Tokyo sent non-combat troops to Iraq, despite considerable domestic opposition. In 2005 the United States and Japan announced a sweeping new agreement to strengthen military cooperation. The plan calls for U.S. forces to be realigned and Japan to take on a more active (non-combat) role in maintaining regional and global security. The ruling party has drafted a new constitution that would eliminate most of the clauses prohibiting participation in collective security arrangements, a move the United States has supported. The ruling party's historic defeat in Upper House elections in July 2007 may slow some of this cooperation. […]. If political jockeying weakens Tokyo's focus on U.S.-Japan relations as an aging Japanese population demands more attention to domestic economic issues, the U.S.- Japan relationship may struggle to maintain its momentum of the past several years. "
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2007-09-27
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North Korean Refugees in China and Human Rights Issues: International Response and U.S. Policy Options [September 26, 2007]
"This report examines both the situation of North Korean refugees in China and human rights issues because they are frequently raised simultaneously, particularly in a congressional context. Although the issues surrounding those North Koreans seeking to leave their country and the situation for those who remain inside its borders pose different questions and may call for separate responses, both also focus on the regime in Pyongyang. Critics of the North Korean government have raised both issues together to put pressure on the regime, particularly when nuclear weapons program negotiations stalled, Some advocates decry the practice of linking refugee and human rights issues, claiming that former calls for a quieter, cooperative approach, while the latter requires a more outspoken response to the North Korean government's practices. Although some policy experts insist the United States has a moral imperative to stand up for he oppressed, others say that this creates obstacles in the nuclear disarmament negotiations. In 2007, the Bush administration entered into bilateral talks with North Korea and linked the prospect of diplomatic relations and Pyongyang's re-entry into the international community with only the nuclear issue, leaving out human rights and refugee concerns."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Margesson, Rhoda; Bruno, Andorra; Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2007-09-26
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Terrorism in Southeast Asia [September 11, 2007]
"Since September 2001, the United States has increased focus on radical Islamist and terrorist groups in Southeast Asia, particularly those in the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Singapore. Southeast Asia is a base for past, current, and possibly future terrorist operations. Al Qaeda penetrated the region by establishing local cells, training Southeast Asians in its camps in Afghanistan, and by financing and cooperating with indigenous radical Islamist groups. Indonesia and the southern Philippines have been particularly vulnerable to penetration by anti-American Islamic terrorist groups. […] The responses of countries in the region to both the threat and to the U.S. reaction generally have varied with the intensity of their concerns about the threat to their own stability and domestic politics. In general, Singapore, Malaysia, and the Philippines were quick to crack down on militant groups and share intelligence with the United States and Australia, whereas Indonesia began to do so only after attacks or arrests revealed the severity of the threat to their citizens. Many governments view increased American pressure and military presence in their region with ambivalence because of the political sensitivity of the issue with both mainstream Islamic and secular nationalist groups. The Muslim insurgency in southern Thailand has escalated in recent years as has terrorist activity in southern areas of the Philippines. The report will begin with an overview of the rise of Islamist militancy and a discussion of the JI network before proceeding to discuss terrorism in Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, Malaysia, and Singapore and will conclude with a section on options and implications for U.S. policy. Counterterrorism strategies include placing greater emphasis on attacking the institutions that support terrorism, building up regional governments' institutional capacities for combating terrorist groups, and reducing the sense of alienation among Muslim citizens."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Vaughn, Bruce, 1963-; Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2007-09-11
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Changing U.S.-Japan Alliance: Implications for U.S. Interests [Updated January 10, 2008]
"In the first term of the Bush Administration, converging U.S. and Japanese objectives in confronting North Korea's nuclear and missile programs and Japan's participation in U.S. operations in Iraq and Afghanistan reinforced the notion of the U.S.-Japan alliance as one of the central partnerships of U.S. foreign policy, particularly in Asia. […] As U.S. personnel and facilities in Japan are realigned as part of the broader Pentagon strategy of deploying a more mobile force, Japan is expected to take an active role in contributing to global stability. Rising nationalism and tensions between Japan and its neighbors indicate that there are risks to strengthening the alliance. Some observers say that alliance transformation could ultimately be de-stabilizing if regional powers feel their own security is threatened by a more assertive Japan, or if Japan fails to live up to U.S. expectations. Changes to the U.S.-Japan alliance are of interest to Congress because of the range of U.S. security interests in East Asia. Those concerns include the development of North Korea's nuclear weapons programs, the presence of militant Islamic groups based in Southeast Asia, the possibility of conflict with China over Taiwan, and the overall ascendance of China as a potential challenger to U.S. influence in the region. […]The report concludes with a number of potential options for U.S. policymakers to protect U.S. security interests in the Asia Pacific. Those options include further bolstering Japan's military, reducing the U.S military presence in the region, encouraging Japan to focus on international peacekeeping and reconstruction operations, developing trilateral defense cooperation, and creating a security forum in northeast Asia."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2008-01-10
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Emerging Trends in the Security Architecture in Asia: Bilateral and Multilateral Ties Among the United States, Japan, Australia, and India [January 7, 2008]
"Some analysts have questioned whether U.S. security interests in the Asia Pacific region are best served by its existing framework of bilateral alliances. The region is now facing an array of changes: deepening trade links, the formation of new regional institutions, and increased attention to the threat of Islamic terrorism. Against this backdrop, China's rise represents the key driver in the evolving security landscape in Asia. China is now attracting regional states with its economic power and is offering competing vision to the U.S.-centric 'hub and spoke' system of alliances. In essence, China's increasing economic, diplomatic, and military strength is compelling countries to rethink existing security arrangements and take initial steps that may lead to the formation of regional groupings of nations with common interests and values. At the same time, the Bush Administration has pursued stronger defense relations with Australia, Japan, and India. Bilateral defense ties have also developed between Canberra, Tokyo, and New Delhi, with varying degrees of engagement. Fledgling initiatives for trilateral efforts among the nations have emerged; some defense planners see these efforts as building on existing security cooperation to further U.S. goals in the region by combining forces among partners and allies. As trilateral initiatives have taken shape, some officials have begun promoting a quadrilateral grouping, which would tie together the United States, Japan, Australia, and India. Although no formal quadrilateral groupings exist, the Malabar 07 military exercises among the four countries in September 2007 provided an opportunity to test naval cooperation."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Vaughn, Bruce, 1963-; Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2008-01-07
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Thailand: Background and U.S. Relations [Updated January 11, 2007]
"U.S.-Thailand relations are of particular interest to Congress because of Thailand's status as a long-time military ally, a key country in the war against terrorism in Southeast Asia, and a significant trade and economic partner. The currently-stalled proposed U.S.-Thailand Free Trade Agreement (FTA) would require implementing legislation to take effect. However, the ouster of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra by a military coup in September 2006 and subsequent economic and political instability has cast uncertainty on how U.S. priorities will fare in the future. Future U.S.-Thai relations will likely depend upon how quickly the military rulers fulfill their promise to restore democratic rule. Despite differences on Burma policy and human rights issues, shared economic and security interests have long provided the basis for U.S.-Thai cooperation. Thailand contributed troops and support for U.S. military operations in both Afghanistan and Iraq and was designated as a major non-NATO ally by President Bush in December 2003. Thailand's airfields and ports play a particularly important role in U.S. global military strategy, including having served as the primary hub of the relief effort following the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami. The high-profile arrest of radical Islamic leader Hambali in a joint Thai-U.S. operation in 2003 underscores Thailand's role in the U.S.-led war on terrorism. The U.S.-Thai bilateral trade total in 2005 was $25 billion; Thailand is the United States's 19th largest trading partner."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2007-01-11
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North Korea's Nuclear Test: Motivations, Implications, and U.S. Options [Updated December 12, 2006]
"On October 9, 2006, North Korea announced it conducted a nuclear test. After several days of evaluation, U.S. authorities confirmed that the underground explosion was nuclear, but that the test produced a low yield of less than one kiloton. As the United Nations Security Council met and approved a resolution condemning the tests and calling for punitive sanctions, North Korea remained defiant, insisting that any increased pressure on the regime would be regarded as an act of war. China and South Korea, the top aid providers to and trade partners with the North, supported the resolution itself, but have been unwilling to cut off other economic cooperation and aid considered crucial to the regime. The sanction regime depends heavily on individual states' compliance with the guidelines. Economists argue that the only definitively effective punishment on North Korea would be the suspension of energy aid from China, which reportedly supplies about 70% of North Korea's fuel. Determining the motivations of a government as opaque and secretive as North Korea is exceedingly difficult, but analysts have put forth a range of possibilities to explain why the Pyongyang regime decided to test a nuclear weapon. The most fundamental U.S. goals of the confrontation with North Korea are to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and to prevent an attack - either nuclear or conventional - on the United States or on its allies in the region."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Squassoni, Sharon A.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2006-12-12
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North Korea: A Chronology of Events in 2005 [April 24, 2006]
"This report provides a chronology of events relevant to U.S. relations with North Korea in 2005 and is a continuation of CRS Report RL32743: North Korea: A Chronology of Events, October 2002-December 2004. The chronology includes significant meetings, events, and statements that shed light on the issues surrounding North Korea's nuclear weapons program. An introductory analysis highlights the key developments and notes other significant regional dynamics. Particular attention is paid to the Six-Party Talks, inter-Korean relations, key U.S. officials in charge of North Korean policy, China's leadership in the negotiations, Japan's relationship with its neighbors, and contact with North Korea outside of the executive branch, including a Congressional delegation. Information for this report came from a variety of news articles, scholarly publications, government materials, and other sources, the accuracy of which CRS has not verified."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Fischer, Hannah; Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2006-04-24
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Thailand: Background and U.S. Relations [June 5, 2012]
"Under the Obama Administration, the United States has prioritized engagement with Southeast Asia and a broader strategic rebalancing towards the Asia-Pacific. With its favorable geographic location and broad-based economy, Thailand has traditionally been considered among the most likely countries to play a major leadership role in the region. But growing U.S. engagement with other allies and partners such as the Philippines and Singapore, and Thailand's domestic problems appear to have dimmed the prominence of the U.S.-Thai relationship in Southeast Asia. Thailand maintains close relations with China and is considered by some to be a key arena of competition between Beijing and Washington for influence."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Dolven, Ben
2012-06-05
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Japan-U.S. Relations: Issues for Congress [March 31, 2006]
"The post-World War II U.S.-Japan alliance has long been an anchor of the U.S. security role in East Asia. The alliance, with its access to bases in Japan, where about 53,000 U.S. troops are stationed, facilitates the forward deployment of U.S. military forces in the Asia-Pacific, thereby undergirding U.S. national security strategy. For Japan, the alliance and the U.S. nuclear umbrella provide maneuvering room in dealing with its neighbors, particularly China and North Korea. In 2005, Congress showed a renewed interest in U.S.-Japan relations. In recent months, Members have expressed particular interest in Japan's ban on imports of U.S. beef, Japan's deteriorating relations with China and South Korea, and Japanese politics, including the battle to succeed Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi, who says he will step down in September 2006. […] Japan is one of the United States' most important economic partners. Outside of North America, it is the United States' largest export market and second-largest source of imports. Japanese firms are the U.S.' secondlargest source of foreign direct investment, and Japanese investors are by far the largest foreign holders of U.S. treasuries, helping to finance the U.S. deficit and reduce upward pressure on U.S. interest rates. Bilateral trade friction has decreased in recent years, partly because U.S. concern about the trade deficit with Japan has been replaced by concern about a much larger deficit with China. The exception was U.S. criticism over Japan's decision in 2003 to ban imports of U.S. beef."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Manyin, Mark E.; Cooper, William H., 1949-
2006-03-31
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Thailand: Background and U.S. Relations [June 20, 2007]
"U.S.-Thailand relations are of particular interest to Congress because of Thailand's status as a long-time military ally and a significant trade and economic partner. The currently-stalled proposed U.S.-Thailand Free Trade Agreement (FTA) would require implementing legislation to take effect. However, the ouster of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra by a military coup in September 2006 and subsequent economic and political instability has cast uncertainty on how U.S. priorities will fare in the future. Future U.S.-Thai relations will likely depend upon how quickly the military rulers fulfill their promise to restore democratic rule. Despite differences on Burma policy and human rights issues, shared economic and security interests have long provided the basis for U.S.-Thai cooperation. Thailand contributed troops and support for U.S. military operations in both Afghanistan and Iraq and was designated as a major non-NATO [North Atlantic Treaty Organization] ally by President Bush in December 2003. Thailand's airfields and ports play a particularly important role in U.S. global military strategy, including having served as the primary hub of the relief effort following the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami. […] With its favorable geographic location and broad-based economy, Thailand has traditionally been considered among the most likely countries to play a major leadership role in Southeast Asia and has been an aggressive advocate of increased economic integration in the region. A founding member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Thailand maintains close ties with China, has reached out to India, and is pursuing FTAs with a number of other countries. Given its ties with the United States, Thailand's stature in the region may affect broader U.S. foreign policy objectives and prospects for further multilateral economic and security cooperation in Southeast Asia. In the context of the Pentagon's transformation and realignment initiatives, current logistical facilities in Thailand could become more important to U.S. strategy in the region. This report will be updated periodically."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2007-06-20
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Singapore: Background and U.S. Relations [January 8, 2007]
"A former colonial island trading and military outpost of the far-flung British Empire, the tiny Republic of Singapore has transformed itself into a modern Asian nation and a major player in the global economy. Singapore's heavy dependence on international trade makes regional stability and the free flow of goods and services essential to its existence. As a result, the island nation is a firm supporter of both U.S. international trade policy and the U.S. security role in Asia. The U.S.-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (FTA) went into effect in January 2004."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2007-01-08
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Terrorism in Southeast Asia [August 13, 2004]
"Since September 2001, the United States has been concerned with radical Islamist groups in Southeast Asia, particularly those in the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and Singapore that are known to have ties to the Al Qaeda terrorist network. As detailed in the Final Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (known as the '9/11 Commission'), Southeast Asia is a base for past, current, and possibly future Al Qaeda operations. For nearly fifteen years, Al Qaeda has penetrated the region by establishing local cells, training Southeast Asians in its camps in Afghanistan, and by financing and cooperating with indigenous radical Islamist groups. Indonesia and the southern Philippines have been particularly vulnerable to penetration by anti-American Islamic terrorist groups. […] Although the recommendations in the 9/11 Commission's final report do not touch on Southeast Asia directly, many of the recommendations for U.S. counterterrorism policy in general are applicable to Southeast Asia."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Niksch, Larry A.
2004-08-13
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Singapore: Background and U.S. Relations [May 30, 2006]
"A former colonial island trading and military outpost of the far-flung British Empire, the tiny Republic of Singapore has transformed itself into a modern Asian nation and a major player in the global economy. Singapore's heavy dependence on international trade makes regional stability and the free flow of goods and services essential to its existence. As a result, the island nation is a firm supporter of both U.S. international trade policy and the U.S. security role in Asia. The U.S.-Singapore Free Trade Agreement (FTA) went into effect in January 2004."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2006-05-30
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Foreign Countries' Response to the Avian Influenza (H5N1) Virus: Current Status [February 5, 2007]
"This report highlights recent efforts by affected countries to control the spread of the avian influenza (H5N1) virus. Included is statistical information on confirmed human cases and deaths through January 2007. For more background information on earlier efforts by these countries and international organizations through September 2006, see CRS Report RL33349, International Efforts to Control the Spread of the Avian Influenza (H5N1) Virus: Affected Countries' Responses. This report will be updated as events warrant. For additional information on the H5N1 virus, U.S. international assistance to countries struggling with the spread of the virus, U.S. domestic preparedness efforts, and potential impact on trade and agricultural issues, please see the following reports: CRS Report RL33219, U.S. and International Responses to the Global Spread of Avian Flu: Issues for Congress, by Tiaji Salaam-Blyther; CRS Report RL33145, Pandemic Influenza: Domestic Preparedness Efforts, by Sarah A. Lister; CRS Report RL33795, Avian Influenza in Poultry and Wild Birds, by Jim Monke and M. Lynne Corn; and CRS Report RS22453, Avian Flu Pandemic: Potential Impact of Trade Disruptions, by Danielle Langton."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Fischer, Hannah; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Chesser, Susan G.
2007-02-05
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North Korea's Nuclear Test: Motivations, Implications, and U.S. Options [October 24, 2006]
"On October 9, 2006, North Korea announced it conducted a nuclear test. After several days of evaluation, U.S. authorities confirmed that the underground explosion was nuclear, but that the test produced a low yield of less than one kiloton. As the United Nations Security Council met and approved a resolution condemning the tests and calling for punitive sanctions, North Korea remained defiant, insisting that any increased pressure on the regime would be regarded as an act of war. China and South Korea, the top aid providers to and trade partners with the North, supported the resolution, but uncertainty remains as to whether the two countries will strictly enforce the sanctions and/or cut off other economic cooperation and aid considered crucial to the regime. The sanction regime depends heavily on individual states' compliance with the guidelines. Economists argue that the only definitively effective punishment on North Korea would be the suspension of energy aid from China, which reportedly supplies about 70% of North Korea's fuel. Determining the motivations of a government as opaque and secretive as North Korea is exceedingly difficult, but analysts have put forth a range of possibilities to explain why the Pyongyang regime decided to test a nuclear weapon. Possible motivations include an attempt to engage the United States in bilateral talks, to ensure the security of the regime, and to satisfy hard-line elements within the Pyongyang government, as well as technical motivations for carrying out a nuclear test. The options available to U.S. policymakers to pursue these goals include the acceptance of North Korea as a nuclear power, bilateral or multilateral negotiations, heightened legal and economic pressure on North Korea, adoption of a regime change policy through non-military means, military action or threats, and withdrawal from the conflict. This report will be updated as circumstances warrant."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Squassoni, Sharon A.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2006-10-24
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North Korea's Abduction of Japanese Citizens and the Six-Party Talks [March 19, 2008]
"The admission by North Korea in 2002 that it abducted several Japanese nationals -- most of them nearly 30 years ago -- continues to affect significantly the Six-Party Talks on North Korea's nuclear weapons program. This report provides background information on the abductee issue, summarizes its effect on Japanese politics, analyzes its impact on U.S.-Japan relations, and assesses its regional implications. Congress has indicated considerable interest in the abductions issue. The North Korean Human Rights Act (P.L. 108-333) includes a sense of the Congress that non-humanitarian aid be contingent on North Korean progress in accounting for the Japanese abductees. A House hearing in April 2006 focused on North Korea's abductions of foreign citizens, with testimony from former abductees and their relatives. Some Members of Congress have sponsored legislation (S.Res. 399 and H.R. 3650) that support Japan's call for settlement of the abductions controversy before North Korea is removed from the U.S. state sponsors of terrorism list. This report will be updated as events warrant."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2008-03-19
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Congress and U.S. Policy on North Korean Human Rights and Refugees: Recent Legislation and Implementation [October 22, 2008]
"The passage of the reauthorization of the North Korean Human Rights Act in October 2008 (P.L.110-346) reasserted congressional interest in influencing the Bush Administration's policy toward North Korea. In addition to reauthorizing funding at original levels, the bill expresses congressional criticism of the implementation of the original 2004 law and adjusts some of the provisions relating to the Special Envoy on Human Rights in North Korea and the U.S. resettlement of North Korean refugees. Some outside analysts have pointed to the challenges of highlighting North Korea's human rights violations in the midst of the ongoing nuclear negotiations, as well as the difficulty in effectively reaching North Korean refugees as outlined in the law. Further, the law may complicate coordination on North Korea with China and South Korea. For more information, please see CRS [Congressional Research Service] Report RL34189, 'North Korean Refugees in China and Human Rights Issues: International Response and U.S. Policy Options,' coordinated by Rhoda Margesson."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Chanlett-Avery, Emma
2008-10-22
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Implementation of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1874 [October 8, 2010]
"The international community has imposed broad and far-reaching sanctions on North Korea (DPRK) through both the United Nations and national measures, but implementation has been uneven globally and in cases has diminished over time. An important challenge has been encouraging nations with substantial trade links to North Korea--particularly China, but also a range of nations that service as transshipment points for North Korean goods or that have financial institutions that deal with North Korean entities--to implement U.N. sanctions. Different nations interpret U.N. sanctions differently, and the degree to which they are followed hinges on a country's overall policy toward the North. The DPRK is conditioning the resumption of talks on its nuclear program on the lifting of U.N. sanctions. The March 26, 2010 sinking of the South Korean naval ship, the 'Cheonan', initially caused key players in North Korean diplomacy to back away from pushing implementation until the Security Council decided on its response to the incident. After that, the Cheonan sinking helped to coalesce country actions toward North Korea and was a turning point in implementing sanctions. In response to the attack, some countries, such as the United States and South Korea, imposed even stronger measures than required under U.N. Security Council resolutions."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Manyin, Mark E. . . .
2010-10-08
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U.S.-South Korea Relations [April 26, 2013]
"South Korea is one of the United States' most important strategic and economic partners in Asia. Members of Congress tend to be interested South Korea-related issues for a number of reasons. First, the United States and South Korea have been allies since the early 1950s. Under their military alliance, the United States is committed to helping South Korea defend itself, particularly against any aggression from North Korea. The United States maintains about 28,500 troops in the ROK and South Korea is included under the U.S. 'nuclear umbrella.' Second, Washington and Seoul cooperate over how to deal with the challenges posed by North Korea. Third, South Korea's emergence as a global player on a number of issues has provided greater opportunities for the two countries' governments, businesses, and private organizations to interact and cooperate with one another. Fourth, the two countries' economies are closely entwined and are joined by the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA), the United States' second-largest FTA. South Korea is the United States' seventh-largest trading partner. The United States is South Korea's third-largest trading partner. Since late 2008, relations between the United States and South Korea (known officially as the Republic of Korea, or ROK) have been arguably at their best state in decades. Much of the current closeness between Seoul and Washington is due to the convergence of interests between the Obama Administration and the government of former President Lee Myung-bak, who left office at the end of February 2013. The overall U.S.-South Korean relationship is expected to remain healthy under new President Park Geun-hye, although she has hinted at policy moves that could cause intense bilateral discussions, particularly over North Korea policy and the renewal of a civilian nuclear cooperation agreement."
Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service
Manyin, Mark E.; Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Chanlett-Avery, Emma . . .
2013-04-26
