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How Soft Power Works
"This paper will explore how soft power works. But before we can meaningfully discuss this question, we must be clear about what soft power is. The two questions, 'How does soft power work?' and 'What constitutes soft power?,' are closely related. Before we can know how soft power works, we must know what makes soft power as such; and once we know what causes soft power in the first place, we will get a key to knowing the conditions under which and the mechanisms by which soft power is realized. The central questions that I will ask in this paper is, 'What causes soft power?' and 'How is soft power caused?' These questions are where the two questions above, 'What is soft power,' 'What constitutes soft power,' and 'How does soft power work,' 'What are the underlying mechanisms that generate soft power,' meet. After a first part that deals with these theoretical questions, there is a second part in which I will survey the major policy tools of soft power and show, with the aid of the concepts developed in the first part, how these tools facilitate and produce soft power."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Vuving, Alexander L.
2009-09-03
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Issues for Engagement: Asian Perspectives on Transnational Security Challenges
"The chapters in this volume analyze security priorities at the individual country level and gauge each country's attempts at bilateral and multilateral security cooperation on transnational security challenges. Our intention is to provide policymakers and other government officials with a useful and convenient reference tool to draw upon to engage specific countries in the Asia-Pacific region." This edition includes four articles: "Russia's Transnational Security: Challenges, Policies, and International Cooperation" by Rouben Azizian; "The Perfect Storm? Thailand's Security Predicament" by Miemie Winn Byrd; "Transnational Security Threats to Indonesia" by James R. Campbell; and "Cambodia's Transnational Security Challenges" by Jessica H. S. Ear; "US-Oceania Security Cooperation in the Post 9/11 World: Whose Agendas and Priorities?" by Gerard A. Finin; "Japan's Transnational Security Agenda" by David Fouse; " Republic of Korea: Meeting the Challenge Of Transnational Threats in the Twenty-first Century" by Steven Kim; "Afghanistan at a Crossroads: Transnational Challenges and the New Afghan State" by Kerry Lynn Nankivell; "Transnational Security Challenges in India" by Rollie Lal; "Perceptions of Transnational Security Threat in Malaysia and Singapore: Windows of Cooperative Opportunities for the United States" by Yoichiro Sato; "Sri Lanka: Transnational Security and Postinsurgency Issues" by Shyam Tekwani; and "Vietnamese Perspectives on Transnational Security Challenges" by Alexander Vuving.
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Fouse, David
2010-06
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Japan's Burden of History - Can it be Lifted?
Over half a century after the end of World War II, that conflict still casts shadows of resentment and suspicion over Japans relations with its East Asian neighbors, particularly China and the two Koreas. Japan's history problem is, however, less about the past than the present and future. The animosity of Koreans and Chinese arises primarily from their belief that contemporary Japan is unrepentant over its historical misdeeds.
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Miller, John H., 1941-
2002-10
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Rethinking Education, National Security and Social Stability in China
"After more than twenty years' [sic] of reform and open policy, it is clear that domestic economic development is the overarching focus of the Chinese government. Promoting economic development and enhancing people's standard of living are the principle tasks of Chinese government. In order to implement economic growth and social progress, China needs a peaceful international environment and domestic social stability."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Yonggen, Xiong
2001-04-17
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Taiwan's Threat Perceptions: The Enemy Within
"The People's Republic of China (PRC), which perpetually pressures Taiwan to negotiate unification on Beijing's terms, obviously dominates Taipei's strategic landscape. Few in Taiwan, however, expect the PRC to attempt to conquer the island through an overt military attack in the foreseeable future. This paper, based largely on interviews conducted with Taiwan officials and scholars in 2002, argues that the main security threats Taiwan's elites perceive do not involve direct military attack from across the Taiwan Strait. The threats Taiwan perceives stemming from China's hostility are principally political and economic rather than military. Furthermore, many of Taiwan's intelligentsia lament that due to internal weaknesses, Taiwan is not making its strongest possible preparation to withstand these challenges. While China's relative power is expected to grow, Taiwan is underachieving due to inability to settle several basic but difficult issues. These internal weaknesses--including vulnerability to Chinese psychological warfare, lack of consensus on the cross-Strait relationship, a defense structure that needs coherence and reform, and an economy that may lack the infrastructure necessary for continued prosperity--could indeed make Taiwan more vulnerable to a PRC attack in the future, but more importantly they call into question Taiwan's future political and economic vitality."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Roy, Denny, 1960-
2003-03
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Security in Oceania in the 21st Century
This is four-part book that seeks to illuminate the issues faced by the Island States in the 21st Century especially in the context of security. It demonstrates the impact of the powerful in an area of the world that is at once remote but subject to global forces ranging from post-war nuclear testing to transnational issues that touch each island group directly in a negative fashion. The book clearly indicates it is now the time for proactive rather than passive security policies and an opportunity for ethnic diversity to be recognized and respected by the large powers.
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Shibuya, Eric Y.; Rolfe, Jim
2003
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Central Asia and the United States 2004-2005: Moving Beyond Counter-Terrorism?
"The independence in 1991 of Central Asian states here defined as the former Soviet republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan raised serious hope in the West that after decades of authoritarianism the countries of the region would lean toward a process of democratization. This expectation was based on several assumptions. Firstly, the impressive liberal beginning of Boris Yeltsin Russia suggested that other former Soviet republics might follow its example. Secondly, the appeal of religion and religious extremism were underestimated in view of the highly secular history of post-Soviet Central Asia. Thirdly, immediately after the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre China seemed to be unattractive to Central Asia leaders as an alternative political model or strategic partner. However, these factors were seriously challenged by subsequent events. Russia soon revealed that it lacked the internal consensus and tradition of pluralism that would allow it to emulate the Western model of liberal democracy, and it started to examine more closely the Chinese and other Asian approaches to reform. So did the Central Asian states under their increasingly authoritarian and corrupt governments. A rising China, meanwhile, emerged as an attractive economic powerhouse for the Central Asian states and further enhanced their ability to balance the great powers and their political ideologies. Alarmed by the rose and orange revolutions in Georgia and Ukraine, which are perceived in Russia as Western conspiracies to undermine Russia s preeminence in the post-Soviet space, Moscow is offering more political and military assistance to increasingly troubled Central Asian leaders in order to protect them from similar radical internal developments."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Azizian, Rouben
2005-01-01
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Pakistan and the United States 2004-2005: Deepening the Entente
"The year 2004 ended with ties between the United States and Pakistan still showing signs of fragility but with more reasons than before to consider along-term alliance between them a realistic prospect. U.S. government military and economic assistance to Pakistan was beginning to achieve a scale by the end of 2004 commensurate with Pakistan's designation in June as a Major Non NATO Ally (MNNA). In return for U.S. aid, Pakistan committed itself to a three-pronged counter-terrorism program consisting of efforts to (1) suppress militant Islamic extremist activity within Pakistan; (2) stabilize the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan; and (3) end infiltration by militant separatists across the Line of Control (LoC) into Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir. In spite of deepening collaboration between the United States and Pakistan, substantial differences remained over the war on terrorism,nuclear proliferation, and democratic reform. However, the most likely source of severe discord between the United States and Pakistan remained unchanged--differences in each side's strategic assessments of neighboring India. For U.S.-Pakistan relations to retain a reasonable prospect of surviving past the immediate task of fighting terrorism, Washington and Islamabad will have to forge a vision of regional security and order that more fully accommodates their respective mutual interests."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Wirsing, Robert G.
2005-02
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Malaysia-Singapore Relations: Never Mind the Rhetoric
"The depth of the relationship between Malaysia and Singapore is unmatched within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEANs). Trade and investment links are valued by both sides, not least of all by resource-poor Singapore. Both countries remain formally allied through the multilateral Five Power Defence Arrangements (FPDA) that also include Australia, Britain, and New Zealand. Through the FPDA, Malaysia and Singapore have the only regular and substantial military-to-military links within Southeast Asia. Both also share strong concern over the threat from terrorism. [...] A robust and cooperative relationship between Malaysia and Singapore remains critical for ensuring the security of the most important sea-lane in the world-the Malacca Straits. America's interest in a vital bilateral relationship now also extends to the war on terrorism. Cooperation between Malaysia and Singapore on dismantling terrorist cells has gone hand-in-hand with each country's bilateral cooperation with the United States against terrorism. Strong Singapore-Malaysia relations also permit the two countries to influence the rest of ASEAN to take the terrorist threat seriously."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Smith, Anthony L.
2004-10
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Freely Associated States and the United States 2004-2005: Holding Firm
From the Introduction: "In assessing the reactions of states in Oceania to U.S. security policy, focus is most often placed on the South Pacific. Even there, the island states are generally ignored as Australia and New Zealand dominate the discussions. This overlooks the contribution of the island states, especially the Freely Associated States (FAS, also referred to as the Compact States) of the North Pacific. The Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI), and the Republic of Palau have all too often had their contribution to the U.S. global security architecture minimized, ignored, and even ridiculed. In one notable recent instance, the announcement that Palau had joined the 'Coalition Of The Willing' in the war on Iraq was greeted with derision in the popular media, which questioned whether Palau could contribute anything more than 'coconuts,'in at least one instance. [...] While there are some differences of foreign policy between the FAS and the United States, as well as disagreements on bilateral issues, a more steadfast group of U.S. allies cannot be found. U.N. voting records put the FAS in total consensus with the United States. While there are also differences between each FAS and their specific relationships with the United States, this analysis focuses on the uniformities and will only occasionally highlight individual issues."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Shibuya, Eric Y.
2005-02
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Shifting Geo Politics in the Greater South Asia Region
"This paper discusses and explains the South Asia region, which, depending on how you define it, is home to some 1.7 billion people. It also points to some future challenges and possibilities for this important region. Geographically, South Asia comprises the Indian subcontinent and its immediate surrounds."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Snedden, Christopher
2016-04
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Philippines and the United States 2004-2005: Defining Maturity
From the Introduction: '"2004 was an important year for the security relationship between the United States and the Philippines. After several years of rapid improvement, a relatively minor event--the decision to withdraw a small Philippine military contingent from Iraq one month early in response to kidnapper threats to kill a Filipino truck driver--became a symbolically defining moment in the relationship. While both countries acknowledged the overall importance of the partnership, the challenge was to frame the stakes as being more than emboldening terrorists versus protecting Philippine citizens. In other words, 2004 was a year that challenged the maturity of the relationship, with both sides examining how its interests were being served while recognizing the potential for a divergence of those interests going forward.The challenge for the Philippine government was to ensure that the U.S. continued to see a strong relationship with the Philippines as strategically important. The dilemma between saving the life of a Filipino, and potentially others who lived and worked abroad,while remaining strategically significant to the U.S. is symbolic of the general perception in the Philippines of the relationship with the United States. On the one hand, a strong relationship with the U.S. is critical to the well being of the country for a variety of economic, social and political reasons. On the other hand, there is an underlying fear that the security of the Filipino people will be sacrificed for the sake of the relationship. In 2004 President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo said she would put the Filipino people first in the equation. That decision was consistent with the approach her administration has taken to the American global war on terror. By emphasizing the Philippine dimension of that war,she has worked to enlist American support for a new domestic economic development and reform agenda focused on underlying causes rather than on the involvement of international terrorists. For Arroyo, this has been driven primarily by the imperatives of political survival. Her message to the U.S. has been that combating terrorism in the Philippines is more nuanced than a 'with us or with the terrorists' formulation."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Baker, Carl
2005-02
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Glacier Moves: Japan's Response To U.S. Security Policies
"The Bush administration's efforts to forge a stronger political-military partnership with Japan have enjoyed some success, thanks largely to a positive response by Prime Minister Koizumi. The greatest progress has been in the war on terrorism, the most notable accomplishment is of which Japan's unprecedented Indian Ocean naval deployment in support of Operation Enduring Freedom. While this move signals an important shift in Japanese attitudes toward acceptance of collective defense and military force, Japan s metamorphosis into the Britain of East Asia is at best a distant prospect. Japan is in no hurry to accept the legitimacy of collective defense, preferring incremental steps in this direction camouflaged by formal adherence to its long-standing self-defense only position. As suggested by Tokyo s waffling on missile defense, moreover, Japan is divided over how best to ensure its national security and there is no consensus in favor of a closer strategic embrace with the United States. None of this necessarily precludes Japan's continued evolution over time into a normal country in political-military terms and a stronger, more self-confident American ally. The process of strengthening the political-military partnership between the United States and Japan is likely to remain frustratingly slow and equivocal; U.S. policymakers would be well advised to discard expectations of rapid change. The danger lies in overestimating Japan s current ability and willingness to step up to the plate on collective defense in the event of a full-blown military crisis in northeast Asia."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Miller, John
2003-03
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Marriage Of Convenience: Russia's Response To U.S. Security Policies
"Russia was one of the first countries to condemn the terrorist attacks on September 11 and pledge support to the U.S. war against al Qaeda and the Taliban. Moscow's support of the U.S.-led military campaign in Afghanistan was fully consistent with Russia's own attempts to contain the rise of Islamic extremism in Afghanistan and Central Asia and its spillover to Russia s Muslim regions, especially Chechnya. Even as Washington and Moscow profess to share the same aims in the global fight against terrorism, the two states disagree on the sources of international terrorism and remain competitors for influence in the Caucasus and Central Asia. This dichotomy raises many questions about the future strategic alignment of states in the region and Russia s future relations with the United States. The tension between Washington and Moscow also underscores Russian anxiety about America projecting its power at will in the post-September 11 era. Moscow calls for restraint and diplomacy when dealing with Iraq and North Korea, and condemns attempts to use preemptive strikes and bypass the United Nations. At the same time, Russia continues to use its influence in the former Soviet states to advance its geopolitical interests and has threatened preemptive strikes against neighboring Georgia, which is accused of harboring Chechen militants. Russia is disappointed that the United States continues to criticize its military operations in Chechnya and refuses to treat Chechen separatism as an international terrorist phenomenon. Moscow and Washington share a common approach to key aspects of nonproliferation but remain divided on the issue of Russia s assistance to Iran in the construction of nuclear reactors. Russia calls for a regional approach for the North Korean nuclear challenge and is promoting a broader regional security dialogue to deal with the Korean peace process."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Azizian, Rouben
2003-03
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Russia-India Relations: Stability Amidst Strategic Uncertainty
"Despite many predictions of its decline or even demise at the end of the Cold War, Russia-India strategic partnership has persisted and in certain areas--such as military cooperation--even deepened over the past fifteen years. There is national consensus in both countries for a strong and stable relationship with each other. India's rapprochement with the United States is uneven which requires New Delhi to stay close to traditional partners such as Russia, particularly when China remains a strategic rival or at least an unknown. Despite its close relations with Beijing, Moscow remains apprehensive of China and worries about becoming too dependent on China in the region. India supports Russia's preeminence in the former Soviet republics while Moscow continues to treat South Asia as largely an Indian domain. Russia and India promote a multipolar world because they consider U.S. predominance in international relations as harmful to their great power ambitions and interests. They also disagree with some of the United States' approaches to the war on terrorism, which they see as being beset by 'double standards.' The rise of Islamic radicalism, particularly in Afghanistan, and its spillover into Kashmir and Chechnya have become an additional motivator for a bilateral strategic partnership between Moscow and New Delhi. Russia and India offer each other mutual diplomatic support on the situation in Kashmir and Chechnya and closely interact in Afghanistan and Central Asia. At the same time, Moscow and New Delhi do not want to be constrained by their partnership in achieving broader strategic or economic goals. In the long term, the United States and China present more strategic and economic opportunities which, if successfully tapped, could reduce the level of Russo-Indian interaction."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Azizian, Rouben
2004-10
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Analytical Report: Land Component Role in Maritime Security
"As the world's population and economies grow, so does the demand for resources. While pioneers like Elon Musk hope to one day exploit space for the additional resources required to support a ballooning population on Earth, many nations have an interest today in competing for additional resources. This is particularly evident in the maritime domain where those nations exploit protein sources to feed their people, oil and natural gas to meet increasing energy demands, and seabed materials to support other economic sectors. Additionally, nations are looking to increase their access to maritime resources through both expansive and restrictive maritime claims and/or illegal harvest of resources. These activities can create increased tension between nations."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Kent, Daniel
2016?
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Asia's Bilateral Relations
"This assessment looks at the influence of Asia's bilateral relations in a highly charged and greatly changed world on the cusp of the twenty-first century. Relationships between China and India, China and Japan, and Russia and Japan, will have important implications for the region s overall strategic picture in the decades ahead. Two common elements emerge in this march through a seeming maze of bilateral relations between highly diverse nations seeking to escape the maze. One common element is economic interdependence driven by globalization powered by information technology. The other is the recognition of having to deal with terrorism with a multilateral approach. Bilateral relations in the region form the foundation for a multinational approach based on mutual benefit. The question is whether cooperation augurs well for acceptance of U.S. security leadership or will there be the emergence of a greater balance with the other nations achieving a degree of true equity in the creation of a stable Asia-Pacific region with balanced interests. In short, the central concerns of these analyses is how regional relationships affect, and are affected by, the United States. The Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies teaching and research faculty, in an effort to better understand the dynamics of these relationships and their implications for the United States and to share results of its findings with the wider government and analytic community, has produced this Special Assessment entitled Asia s Bilateral Relations. This is the third issue of our Special Assessment series. I am pleased to present this publication with the hope that it will advance discussion and inform policy about Asia-Pacific security issues not only among the military and civilian leaders who attend our College of Security Studies executive and senior executive courses, but also among the government and policy analysis communities on both sides of the Pacific."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Stackpole, H. C.
2004-10
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Domestic Determinants and Security Policy-Making in East Asia
There has been a great deal of discussion since the advent of the Asian financial crisis in 1997 about managing change in the strategic landscape of the Asia- Pacific region. One of the fundamental factors in both the financial meltdown and the challenge to traditional security practices has been globalization. The engine that has generated globalization has been the information technology (IT) revolution that has marked the post-Cold War decade of the 1990s and has reached a new zenith entering the 21st century.
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Limaye, Satu P.; Matsuda, Yasuhiro
2000-11
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Natural Disasters in the Pacific [video]
"The Armed Forces Network recently ran a series on humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HA/DR) in the U.S. Pacific Command area of responsibility. The story by U.S. Air Force Technical Sgt. Michael Jackson features interviews with experts from the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies including: Professor Jessica Ear, Dr. Alfred Oehlers, and Dr. James Campbell. The series highlights the need for careful cooperation between nations to prepared for and minimize the impact of potential disasters. Also featured are Commander of U.S. Pacific Command Admiral Samuel Locklear and Mr. Peter Colvin of the Pacific Disaster Center." This resource includes three parts. The duration of Part I is 2:41. The duration of Part II is 2:07. The duration of Part III is 2:54.
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Jackson, Michael; Ear, Jessica; Oehlers, Alfred . . .
2014-02-19
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Mongolia's Counter-Terrorism Architecture: Implications for Domestic Development and Foreign Partnership
"At first glance, Mongolia's decade-long attempt to develop a domestic counter-terrorism capacity seems counter-intuitive. The country has not experienced a terrorist attack nor does it face any immediate pressure from terrorist groups within or on its borders. Mongolia's small and diffuse population, its geographic isolation, and its neutral foreign policy also suggest a relative insulation from terrorist threats. Through closer consideration of Mongolia's counter-terrorism architecture, however, one can discern a clear logic in the state's approach. For Mongolia, counter-terrorism is as much about fostering inter-agency cooperation and facilitating foreign cooperation as it is about securing the country from a largely theoretical threat. The state's multiple-use of its domestic counter-terrorism architecture becomes clear when one examines the country's primary counter-terror institutions: the 2004 Law of Combating Terrorism and the National Counter-Terrorism Coordinative Council (NCTCC)."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Reeves, Jeffrey
2014-10
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Maritime Security Challenges, 2014 Presentations
"Maritime Security Challenges 2014, the 6th iteration of the MSC conference series, took place at the Fairmont Empress Hotel in Victoria, BC, Canada from October 6--9, 2014. Over 190 delegates from 22 nations came together to discuss important naval issues in an open, frank and intimate environment. Among the conference delegates were 13 serving flag officers from 9 nations and many additional retired flag officers. Vice Admiral Ron Buck , Royal Canadian Navy (Retd), Immediate Past President of the Navy League of Canada served as the conference's Honourary Chair. Dr. Jim Boutillier, Special Advisor, International Engagement, Maritime Forces Pacific, Royal Canadian Navy chaired the Conference Program Committee. Keynote presentations were made by Vice Admiral Mark Norman, Commander, Royal Canadian Navy and Admiral Harry Harris, Jr., Commander US Pacific Fleet. Rear Admiral Bill Truelove, Commander Maritime Forces Pacific, Royal Canadian Navy, provided closing comments."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
2014
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Asia-Pacific Responses to U.S. Security Policies
This Special Assessment reflects two key considerations. First, the perspective of regional countries about U.S. security policies is important to appreciate. A number of useful studies of U.S. relations with the Asia-Pacific have recently been published in the United States. However, they tend to approach the topic from a U.S. or thematic perspective. This Special Assessment utilizes the expertise of the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies [APCSS] faculty to assess Asia-Pacific country responses to U.S. security policies. The focus of each analysis is on the governmental response as evident in official speeches, comments, and publications.
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Limaye, Satu P.; Stackpole, H. C.
2003-03
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Asia's China Debate
China has been a prominent feature of the Asia-Pacific region's security
landscape in a variety of forms. Now, however, its rapid economic
growth--especially trade--diplomatic activism, and military modernization
are developments that have significant implications for the entire
region, including the United States. The Asia-Pacific Center for Security
Studies teaching and research faculty, in an effort to better understand
how countries in the region are thinking about and dealing with China,
and to share the results of its findings with the wider government and
analytic community, has produced this Special Assessment entitled Asia's
China Debate. This is the second issue of our Special Assessment series.
These analyses are the contribution of an APCSS teaching and research faculty
with keen insights, expertise and experience on Asia-Pacific security issues. We
hope this and other APCSS publications will inform the deliberations of policymakers
and the analytical community on both sides of the Pacific.
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Limaye, Satu P.
2003-12
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Reviewing the ASEAN Regional Forum and its Role in Southeast Asian Security
The ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) was established in 1993 as a loose, informal grouping of 23 states, with the stated purpose of fostering constructive dialogue and consultation on political and security issues of common interest and concern. This paper examines the role of the ARF in the security of Southeast Asia. Specifically, it considers the goals of ASEAN in the ARF and the latters contributions, if any, to achieving these goals. The paper also looks at how the evolving post-Cold War environment has continued to affect and challenge the Forum over the past seven years. Finally, the paper briefly touches on the future of the Forum.
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Ortuoste, Consuelo C.
2000-02-27
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Hindu Nationalism What's Religion Got to Do With It?
The first part of this paper will examine the evolution of Hindu Nationalist ideology to emphasize a point that has been made many times: whether or not Hindu Nationalism is fascist it is most assuredly not fundamentalist. Hindu Nationalists have charged religious minorities with divided loyalty and been responsible for organized mass violence against Muslims. However, they have not, historically, been concerned with imposing any view of Hindu religion on its practitioners. In short, for Hindu Nationalists, there are traitors, but not apostates. The second part of the paper will review the evolution of Hindu Nationalist organizations. The final section will examine why Hindu Nationalism, which for so long existed on the margins of Indian political life, has come to dominate the polity fifty years after independence.
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Swamy, Arun R.
2003
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Uyghur Muslim Ethnic Separatism in Xinjiang, China
"The April 1990 armed uprising in Baren marked an increase in Uyghur Muslim violence in Xinjiang, China. Two justifications-ethnic separatism and religious rhetoric-are given. The Uyghurs, who reside throughout the immediate region, are the largest Turkic ethnic group living in Xinjiang as well as being overwhelmingly Muslim. This combination of ethnicity and religion also involves the movement of religious and political ideologies, weapons, and people."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Davis, Elizabeth Van Wie
2008-01
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Japan's 2010 National Defense Program Guidelines: Coping with the
"The new National Defense Program Guidelines (NDPG) announced by Japan on 17 December, 2010 have ushered in a number of significant, if incremental, changes in Japanese defense policy, force structure and decision-making processes, as policymakers in Tokyo grow increasingly wary of Chinese military development and maritime expansion in the disputed waters of the East China Sea. Beyond China's general military buildup, the new NDPG indicates that "China is stepping up and expanding maritime activities in the region's surrounding waters, and these activities, coupled with the lack of transparency shrouding China's military and security aims are of concern to the regional and global community." While the new NDPG addresses a wide range of security challenges facing Japan, including the continuing destabilizing influence of North Korea and new concerns about cyber attacks, the core of this document focuses upon increasing Japan's ability to cope with what are described as "gray zone" conflicts that arise from disputes over "territory, sovereignty and economic interests". The 2010 defense guidelines continue a trend begun in the previous NDPG, shifting the focus of Japan's Self Defense Forces (JSDF) from northern defense in Hokkaido toward the island chains that extend far to the south and closer to Taiwan and the Chinese mainland. The emphasis in the new NDPG is on developing Japan's intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) capabilities in the southern islands, as well as developing a more mobile, well coordinated and flexible defense force capable of responding in a timely manner to any contingency that might arise there."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Fouse, David
2011-04
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Best Practices Crossing the Pacific: Security Sector Development from the Andes to Asia
"As the Asia-Pacific region continues its momentous rise in the twenty-first century, issues of internal security sector governance and security sector transformation have become increasingly paramount. While many Asia-Pacific states in the area of security sector development serve as rich laboratories of best practices in reshaping the modern relationships of civil-military relations, security practitioners in Asia-Pacific states would do well by evaluating models outside of the Western, European, and African regions, turning their focus also to South American case studies. Indeed, perhaps the pivotal example in successful Asia-Pacific security sector development resides in Chile, where modern civil-military relations have catapulted Chilean society and government out of a period of moral anguish, political contestation, and overarching military oversight to the point where a thriving relationship is emerging between the military, civil-society, legal and political institutions. Chile serves as a salient example not only for its dedicated commitment to re-constituting the balance between military and civilian representatives, but in carefully nurturing a discourse that has allowed both sides to understand over a process of twenty-five years both how and where mutual respect, accommodation, and reconciliation are found. Present in Chile today is to a large degree a fully consolidated democratic relationship born from a deliberate process of modernizing state institutions alongside the social necessities of a demanding middle class citizenry."
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Nankivell, Justin
2014-04
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Destinys Child: Prospects for Megawati
Since 1996, Megawati Soekarnoputri, daughter of Indonesias founding father, Soekarno, emerged on the Indonesian political scene with the mantle of heir apparent to her fathers still popular legacy. In that year Megawati, whose growing popularity alarmed the Soeharto regime, was removed as leader of the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) by prominent members of both the Soeharto regime and the military by rigging the party election. Subsequent clashes with security forces caused the deaths of PDI activists. Megawatis rough handling at the hands of the Soeharto administration caused many in the foreign press to accord her with the status of Indonesias equivalent of Burmas Aung San Sui Kyi. While Megawati will in all likelihood survive politically as president until 2004, and will probably win a second term, a more proactive approach will be necessary to avoid her legacy ultimately ending in the ignominy that has claimed each of her predecessors. There is, however, no indication that Megawati is prepared to undertake a more bold and dramatic political program, and few, if any, of Indonesias longer-term problems will find resolution.
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Smith, Anthony L.
2003-06
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Stirring Samurai, Disapproving Dragon: Japans Growing Security Activity and Sino-Japan Relations
Japan-China relations are often described as an uneasy mix of uniting and dividing issues. There is a growing asymmetry developing between Chinese society, in which young people as well as old remain unwilling to accept Japan as a normal country and Japanese society, in which younger generations born since the end of World War II are decreasingly sympathetic to attempts to constrain Japan due to the history issue. This generational change is reflected in Japans leadership. There are many implications of these changes, but one of the most important consequences is that China-Japan security relations will remain tense in the future.
Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
Roy, Denny, 1960-
2003-09
