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U.S. Foreign Aid to the Palestinians [May 15, 2009]

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"U.S. aid to the Palestinians has fluctuated considerably over the past three years, largely due to Hamas's changing role within the Palestinian Authority (PA). After Hamas led the PA government for over a year, its forcible takeover of the Gaza Strip in June 2007 led to the creation of a non- Hamas government in the West Bank--resulting in different models of governance for the two Palestinian territories. Since then, the U.S. has dramatically boosted aid levels to bolster the PA in the West Bank and President Mahmoud Abbas vis-à-vis Hamas. [...] Experts advise that PA stability appears to hinge on improved security, economic development, Israeli cooperation, and the continuation of high levels of foreign assistance. The possibility of a consensus or unity government to address the problem of divided rule among Palestinians could lead to a full or partial U.S. aid cutoff if Hamas is included in the government and does not change its stance toward Israel. Even if the immediate objectives of U.S. assistance programs for the Palestinians are met, lack of progress toward a politically legitimate and peaceful two-state solution could undermine the utility of U.S. aid in helping the Palestinians become more cohesive, stable, and self-reliant over the long term."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Zanotti, Jim

2009-05-15
U.S. Foreign Aid to the Palestinians [April 29, 2009]

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"U.S. aid to the Palestinians has fluctuated considerably over the past three years, largely due to Hamas's changing role within the Palestinian Authority (PA). After Hamas led the PA government for over a year, its forcible takeover of the Gaza Strip in June 2007 led to the creation of a non- Hamas government in the West Bank--resulting in different models of governance for the two Palestinian territories. Since then, the U.S. has dramatically boosted aid levels to bolster the PA in the West Bank and President Mahmoud Abbas vis-à-vis Hamas. [...] Experts advise that PA stability appears to hinge on improved security, economic development, Israeli cooperation, and the continuation of high levels of foreign assistance. The possibility of a consensus or unity government to address the problem of divided rule among Palestinians could lead to a full or partial U.S. aid cutoff if Hamas is included in the government and does not change its stance toward Israel. Even if the immediate objectives of U.S. assistance programs for the Palestinians are met, lack of progress toward a politically legitimate and peaceful two-state solution could undermine the utility of U.S. aid in helping the Palestinians become more cohesive, stable, and self-reliant over the long term."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Zanotti, Jim

2009-04-29
U.S. Foreign Assistance to the Middle East: Historical Background, Recent Trends, and the FY2010 Request [July 17, 2009]

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"This report is an overview of U.S. foreign assistance to the Middle East from FY2005 to FY2009, and of the FY2010 budget request. It includes a brief history of aid to the region, a review of foreign aid levels, a description of selected country programs, and an analysis of current foreign aid issues. It will be updated periodically to reflect recent developments. For foreign aid terminology and acronyms, please see the glossary appended to this report."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Sharp, Jeremy Maxwell

2009-07-17
U.S. Special Operations Forces (SOF): Background and Issues for Congress [June 22, 2009]

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"Special Operations Forces (SOF) play a significant role in U.S. military operations and the Administration has given U.S. SOF greater responsibility for planning and conducting worldwide counterterrorism operations. U.S. SOF's growing need for enabling forces that are largely drawn from conventional forces is a potential policy issue for congressional consideration."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Feickert, Andrew

2009-06-22
U.S. Direct Investment Abroad: Trends and Current Issues [November 5, 2009]

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"The United States is the largest investor abroad and the largest recipient of direct investment in the world. For some Americans, the national gains attributed to investing overseas are offset by such perceived losses as displaced U.S. workers and lower wages. Some observers believe U.S. firms invest abroad to avoid U.S. labor unions or high U.S. wages, however, 70% of U.S. foreign direct investment is concentrated in high income developed countries. Even more striking is the fact that the share of investment going to developing countries has fallen in recent years. Most economists conclude that direct investment abroad does not lead to fewer jobs or lower incomes overall for Americans and that the majority of jobs lost among U.S. manufacturing firms over the past decade reflect a broad restructuring of U.S. manufacturing industries."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Jackson, James K., 1949-

2009-11-05
U.S. Trade Deficit and the Impact of Changing Oil Prices [November 13, 2009]

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"Petroleum prices rose sharply in the first half of 2008, at one time reaching more than $140 per barrel of crude oil. Since July, however, petroleum prices and import volumes have fallen at a historically rapid pace; in January 2009, prices of crude oil fell below $40 per barrel. At the same time the average monthly volume of imports of energy-related petroleum products fell slightly. The sharp rise in the cost of energy imports added an estimated $28 billion to the nation's trade deficit in 2007 and $120 billion in 2008. The fall in the cost of energy imports combined with the drop in import volumes as a result of the slowdown in economic activity reversed the trend of rising energy import costs and sharply reduced the overall costs of U.S. energy imports for 2008 and for the first two months of 2009. Beginning in March 2009, the import price of petroleum products rose each month through September 2009, the most recent period for data. This report provides an estimate of the initial impact of the changing oil prices on the nation's merchandise trade deficit."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Jackson, James K., 1949-

2009-11-13
U.S. Arms Sales: Agreements with and Deliveries to Major Clients, 2001-2008 [December 2, 2009]

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"This report provides background data on United States arms sales agreements with and deliveries to its major purchasers during 'calendar years' 2001-2008, made through the U.S. Foreign Military Sales (FMS) program. In a series of data tables, it lists the total dollar values of U.S. government-to- government arms sales 'agreements' with its top five purchasers, and the total dollar values of U.S. arms 'deliveries' to those purchasers, in five specific regions of the world for three specific periods: 2001-2004, 2005-2008, and 2008 alone. In addition, the report provides data tables listing the total dollar values of U.S. government-to-government arms 'agreements' with and 'deliveries' to its top 10 purchasers 'worldwide' for the periods 2001-2004, 2005-2008, and for 2008 alone. This report is prepared in conjunction with CRS Report R40796, 'Conventional Arms Transfers to Developing Nations, 2001-2008', by Richard F. Grimmett. That annual report details both U.S. and foreign arms transfer activities globally and provides analysis of arms trade trends. The intent here is to complement that elaborate 'worldwide' treatment of the international arms trade by providing only the dollar values of U.S. arms sales agreements with and delivery values to its leading customers, by geographic region, for the calendar years 2001-2004, 2005-2008, and 2008. Unlike CRS Report R40796, this annual report focuses exclusively on U.S. arms sales and provides the specific names of the major U.S. arms customers, by region, together with the total dollar values of their arms purchases or deliveries. This report will not be updated."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Grimmett, Richard F.

2009-12-02
U.S. Trade Deficit: Causes, Consequences, and Cures [Updated October 11, 2007]

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"The benefit of the trade deficit is that it allows the United States to spend now beyond current income. In recent years that spending has largely been for investment in productive capital. The cost of the trade deficit is a deterioration of the U.S. investment-income balance, as the payment on what the United States has borrowed from foreigners grows with its rising indebtedness. Borrowing from abroad allows the United States to live better today, but the payback must mean some decrement to the rate of advance of U.S. living standards in the future. U.S. trade deficits do not now substantially raise the risk of economic instability, but they do impose burdens on trade sensitive sectors of the economy. Policy action to reduce the overall trade deficit is problematic. Standard trade policy tools (e.g., tariffs, quotas, and subsidies) do not work. Macroeconomic policy tools can work, but recent and prospective government budget deficits will reduce domestic saving and most likely tend to increase the trade deficit. Most economists believe that, in time, the trade deficit will most likely correct itself, without crisis, under the pressures of normal market forces. But the risk of a more calamitous outcome can not be completely discounted. This report will be updated annually."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Elwell, Craig Kent, 1947-

2007-10-11
U.S. Immigration Policy on Temporary Admissions [Updated December 12, 2007]

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"U.S. law provides for the temporary admission of various categories of foreign nationals, who are known as nonimmigrants. Nonimmigrants are admitted for a designated period of time and a specific purpose. They include a wide range of visitors, including tourists, foreign students, diplomats, and temporary workers. There are 24 major nonimmigrant visa categories, and 72 specific types of nonimmigrant visas issued. These visa categories are commonly referred to by the letter and numeral that denotes their subsection in the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA); for example, B-2 tourists, E-2 treaty investors, F-1 foreign students, H-1B temporary professional workers, J-1 cultural exchange participants, or S-4 terrorist informants. Interest in nonimmigrant visas soared immediately following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks, which were conducted by foreign nationals apparently admitted to the United States on legal visas. Since that time, policy makers have raised a series of questions about aliens in the United States and the extent that the federal government monitors their admission and presence in this country. Some visa categories are the focus of legislative activity (e.g., guest workers)."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Wasem, Ruth Ellen; Haddal, Chad C.

2007-12-12
U.S.-Peru Economic Relations and the U.S. Peru Trade Promotion Agreement [July 27, 2007]

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"On December 7, 2005, the United States and Peru concluded negotiations on the U.S.-Peru Trade Promotion Agreement (PTPA). President Bush notified the Congress of the United States' intention to enter into the PTPA on January 6, 2006, and the agreement was signed on April 12, 2006 by U.S. Trade Representative Rob Portman and Peruvian Minister of Foreign Trade and Tourism Alfredo Ferrero Diez. The PTPA is a comprehensive trade agreement that, if approved by Congress, would eliminate tariffs and other barriers in goods and services trade between the United States and Peru. The approval and implementation of a PTPA is a high priority for the Peruvian government. Peruvian President Alan García has met with President Bush and Members of Congress on several occasions in the United States to stress the importance of the agreement for Peru. The pending PTPA would likely have a small net economic effect on the United States because U.S. trade with Peru accounts for a small percent of total U.S. trade. For Peru, the impact would be more significant because the United States is Peru's leading trade partner. In 2006, 23% of Peru's exports went to the United States, and 16% of Peru's imports were supplied by the United States. In that same year, Peru accounted for 0.5% of total U.S. trade. Peru ranks 43rd among U.S. export markets and 42nd as a source of U.S. imports. The dominant U.S. import item from Peru is gold (24% in 2006) and the leading U.S. export items to Peru are petroleum oils and related products (9% in 2006)."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Villarreal, M. Angeles

2007-07-27
U.S. Trade Situation for Fruit and Vegetable Products [April 30, 2008]

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"A number of factors are shaping current competitive market conditions worldwide and global trade in fruits and vegetables in particular, which explain in part the rising fruit and vegetable trade deficit. These include: (1) a relatively open domestic import regime and lower average import tariffs in the United States, with products from most leading suppliers entering the U.S. duty-free or at preferential duty rates; (2) increased competition from low-cost or government-subsidized production; (3) continued non-tariff trade barriers to U.S. exports in some countries, such as import and inspection requirements, technical product standards, and sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) requirements; (4) opportunities for counter-seasonal supplies, driven, in part, by increased domestic and year-round demand for fruits and vegetables; and (5) other market factors, such as exchange rate fluctuations and structural changes in the U.S. food industry, as well as increased U.S. overseas investment and diversification in market sourcing by U.S. companies. This situation has contributed to demands by the U.S. produce sector that Congress consider additional support for domestic fruit and vegetable growers in the pending omnibus farm bill, especially given the longstanding support provided to the main program commodities (such as grains, oilseeds, cotton, sugar, and milk). Historically, fruit and vegetable crops have not benefitted from the federal farm support programs traditionally included in the farm bill. Both the House- and Senate-passed versions of the pending omnibus farm bill (H.R. 2419) contain provisions that provide additional support for specialty crop programs (which include fruits and vegetables) and organic programs, including provisions intended to address existing trade barriers and marketing of U.S. specialty crops."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Johnson, Renée

2008-04-30
U.S. Farm Economy [Updated September 4, 2007]

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"According to USDA's Economic Research Service (ERS), national net farm income -- a key indicator of U.S. farm well-being -- is expected to rise nearly 48% in 2007 on the strength of higher commodity prices, which, in turn, are being driven largely by the rapidly growing demand for corn as a feedstock in ethanol production.1 Net farm income is forecast at $87.1 billion, up from $59 billion in 2006, as projected record agricultural cash receipts of $276.4 billion (up $37.1 billion or 16%) more than offset record high production expenses (up $249.9 billion or 7%) and a decline of over $2 billion in government payments. Crop and livestock receipts are both projected to reach record levels in 2007 of $136.2 billion and $140.2 billion, respectively. Higher prices are behind the surge in both crop and livestock receipts. The projected rise in crop prices is expected to reduce price-triggered marketing loan benefits and counter-cyclical payments, leading to lower total government payments. Total farm asset value of $2,223 billion and total farm debt of $214 billion are both projected at record levels in 2007. However, the debt-to-asset ratio of 9.6% is down sharply from last year's value of 10.5% and represents the lowest level since 1960, suggesting a strong financial position for the agricultural sector as a whole. This report will be updated as events warrant."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Schnepf, Randall Dean, 1954-

2007-09-04
U.S. Farm Economy [Updated May 31, 2007]

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"According to USDA's [United States Department of Agriculture] Economic Research Service (ERS), national net farm income -- a key indicator of U.S. farm well-being -- is expected to rise 10% in 2007 on the strength of higher commodity prices, which, in turn, are being driven largely by the rapidly growing demand for corn as a feedstock in ethanol production. Net farm income is forecast at $66.6 billion, up from $60.6 billion in 2006, as projected record agricultural cash receipts of $258.7 billion (up $16 billion) more than offset higher production expenses and a decline of nearly $4 billion in government payments. Crop and livestock receipts are both projected to reach record levels in 2007 of $133.5 billion and $125.2 billion, respectively. While higher prices are behind the surge in crop receipts, mostly steady prices and larger output account for the livestock sector's increased value. The projected rise in crop prices is expected to reduce price-triggered marketing loan benefits and counter-cyclical payments, leading to lower total government payments. In addition, the rise in cash receipts is expected to be partially offset by record high production expenses of $251.3 billion (up nearly 6%). Total farm asset value of $1,994 billion and total farm debt of $235 billion are both projected at record levels in 2007. However, the debt-to-asset ratio of 11.8% equals last year's value and represents the lowest level since 1960, suggesting a strong financial position for the agricultural sector as a whole. This report will be updated as events warrant."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Schnepf, Randall Dean, 1954-

2007-05-31
U.S. Embassy in Iraq [Updated July 13, 2007]

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"Concerns about the U.S. Embassy in Iraq have surfaced regarding the quality of construction and reported assertions of trafficking-like labor practices by First Kuwaiti General Trade and Contracting Company, the primary builder of the U.S. embassy in Baghdad. The Bush Administration's FY2008 budget request includes $65 million for base funding for operations in Iraq. In addition, the Administration requested $823.9 million for mission operations in an FY2007 supplemental request and another $1.9 million for mission operations in an FY2008 emergency request. On May 24, 2007, Congress passed a compromise supplemental appropriation (H.R. 2206), which the President signed into law (P.L. 110-28) on May 25. The enacted law included $750 million for State Department operations in Iraq. A previous emergency supplemental appropriation (H.R. 1268/P.L. 109-13), signed into law on May 11, 2005, included $592 million for embassy construction -- all that is needed for construction of the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad, according to the Department of State. Completion of the embassy is expected by the end of the 2007 summer. This report will be updated as information becomes available."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Epstein, Susan B.

2007-07-13
U.S. Forces in Iraq [Updated April 7, 2008]

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"Varying media estimates of military forces in Iraq have raised concerns about the actual number of troops deployed in Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF). Interest in troop level deployments continue in 2008. Last year, a major announcement on a surge in troop deployments to Iraq by the President Bush included a planned gradual increase of more than 20,000 U.S. troops on the ground in Baghdad and Anbar province over several months. Since the 'new strategy for Iraq' speech by the President on January 10, 2007, troop deployments gradually increased during the months of February through October in 2007 but decreased beginning in November 2007. This report provides solely Department of Defense (DOD) statistical information on U.S. forces serving in Iraq. It also provides brief official information on the military units scheduled for the next rotation of duty into Iraq. As of March 1, 2008, according to DOD, the United States had 159,700 troops stationed in Iraq -- 134,900 active component and 24,800 National Guard or Reserves. For security reasons, DOD does not routinely report the composition, size, or specific destination of military forces deployed to the Persian Gulf. This report will be updated upon receipt of new DOD data. For additional information on U.S. forces, see RL34387, 'Operation Iraqi Freedom: Strategies, Approaches, Results and Issues for Congress, by Catherine Dale.'"

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

O'Bryant, JoAnne; Waterhouse, Michael

2008-04-07
U.S.-South Korea Relations [May 15, 2012]

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"Since late 2008, relations between the United States and South Korea (known officially as the Republic of Korea, or ROK) have been arguably at their best state in decades. By the middle of 2010, in the view of many in the Obama Administration, South Korea had emerged as the United States' closest ally in East Asia. Much of the current closeness between Seoul and Washington is due to President Lee. It remains to be seen whether this unprecedented closeness will extend beyond 2012. A month after U.S. elections in November, South Korea will elect a new president. By law, President Lee, whose popularity and clout have eroded over the past year, cannot serve another term."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham

2012-05-15
U.S.-South Korea Relations [February 5, 2013]

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"Since late 2008, relations between the United States and South Korea (known officially as the Republic of Korea, or ROK) have been arguably at their best state in decades. Much of the current closeness between Seoul and Washington is due to the policies undertaken by President Lee Myung-bak, who will leave office at the end of February 2013. His successor, Park Geunhye, is another conservative leader who is expected to maintain strong ties to the United States. However, while the overall U.S.-South Korean relationship is expected to remain healthy under Park, she also has hinted at policy moves--particularly with respect to North Korea and civilian nuclear cooperation--that could strain bilateral ties. Members of Congress tend to be interested in South Korea-related issues because of bilateral cooperation over North Korea, the U.S.-South Korea alliance, South Korea's growing importance in various global issues, deep bilateral economic ties, and the interests of many Korean-Americans. The 112th Congress held over 15 hearings directly related to South and North Korea."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Manyin, Mark E.; Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham; Chanlett-Avery, Emma . . .

2013-02-05
U.S. Trade and Investment in the Middle East and North Africa: Overview and Issues for Congress [March 4, 2013]

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"U.S. interest in deepening economic ties with certain countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) has increased in light of the political unrest and transitions that have swept the region since early 2011. Policymakers in Congress and the Obama Administration are discussing ways that U.S. trade and investment can bolster long-term economic growth in the region. In May 2011, President Obama announced the MENA 'Trade and Investment Partnership Initiative' (MENA-TIP), through which various federal government agencies are engaged in efforts to enhance trade and investment with the region. Such activities are in line with long-standing U.S. trade policy goals and measures. Some Members of Congress have called for deeper economic ties with MENA countries undergoing political change. However, continued political uncertainty and changing security environments in the region have prompted greater scrutiny of U.S. engagement. This report analyzes policy approaches that Congress might consider concerning U.S.-MENA trade and investment."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Akhtar, Shayerah Ilias; Bolle, Mary Jane; Nelson, Rebecca M.

2013-03-04
U.S.-South Korea Relations [November 3, 2010]

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"Since late 2008, relations between the United States and South Korea (known officially as the Republic of Korea, or ROK) have been arguably at their best state in decades. By the middle of 2010, in the view of many in the Obama Administration, South Korea had emerged as the United States' closest ally in East Asia. Of all the issues on the bilateral agenda, Congress has the most direct role to play in the proposed Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). Congressional approval is necessary for the agreement to go into effect. Presidents Obama and Lee Myung-bak have announced their desire to resolve U.S. concerns over market access for autos and beef by the time they meet again in Seoul during the November 2010 Group of 20 (G-20) meeting. Obama said that he intends 'in the few months' after the November meeting to present Congress with the KORUS FTA's implementing legislation. If approved, the agreement would be the second largest FTA market in which the United States participates, after the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). The two countries' coordination over policy towards North Korea has been particularly close. The Obama and Lee Administrations have adopted a medium-to-longer-term policy of 'strategic patience' that involves three main elements: refusing to return to the Six-Party Talks without an assurance from North Korea that it would take 'irreversible steps' to denuclearize; gradually attempting to alter China's strategic assessment of North Korea; and using Pyongyang's provocations as opportunities to tighten sanctions against North Korean entities."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Manyin, Mark E.; Chanlett-Avery, Emma; Nikitin, Mary Beth Dunham . . .

2010-11-03
U.S. Immigration Policy: Chart Book of Key Trends [March 7, 2013]

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"This report is a chart book of selected immigration trends that touch on the main elements of comprehensive immigration reform (CIR). The main issues in the immigration debate typically include increases to border security and enforcement of immigration laws within the U.S. interior, expansion of employment eligibility verification, and reforms to the system for legal temporary and permanent immigration. The thorniest issues concern policy options to address the millions of unauthorized aliens residing in the country. This report offers snapshots of time series data, 'using the most complete and consistent time series currently available for each statistic.' Some of the time series span decades, others capture only a few years. The key findings and elements germane to the data depicted are summarized with the figures. For those who seek more complete analyses of the issues, the report cites Congressional Research Service (CRS) products that discuss the policies underlying the data presented in each of the figures."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Wasem, Ruth Ellen

2013-03-07
U.S.-Mexican Security Cooperation: The Mérida Initiative and Beyond [June 12, 2013]

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"Brazen violence perpetrated by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) and other criminal groups is threatening citizen security and governance in some parts of Mexico, a country with which the United States shares a nearly 2,000 mile border and $460 billion in annual trade. Although the violence in Mexico has generally declined since late 2011, analysts estimate that it may have claimed more than 60,000 lives over the last six years. The violence has increased U.S. concerns about stability in Mexico, a key political and economic ally, and about the possibility of violence spilling over into the United States. Mexican DTOs dominate the U.S. illicit drug market and are considered the greatest drug trafficking threat facing the United States. U.S.-Mexican security cooperation has increased significantly as a result of the development and implementation of the Mérida Initiative, a counterdrug and anticrime assistance package for Mexico and Central America first funded in FY2008. Whereas U.S. assistance initially focused on training and equipping Mexican counterdrug forces, it now places more emphasis on addressing the weak institutions and underlying societal problems that have allowed the drug trade to flourish in Mexico. The Mérida strategy now focuses on (1) disrupting organized criminal groups, (2) institutionalizing the rule of law, (3) building a 21st century border, and (4) building strong and resilient communities. As part of the Mérida Initiative, the Mexican government pledged to intensify its anticrime efforts and the U.S. government pledged to address drug demand and the illicit trafficking of firearms and bulk currency to Mexico."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Finklea, Kristin M.; Seelke, Clare Ribando

2013-06-12
U.S. Nuclear Cooperation with India: Issues for Congress [February 14, 2011]

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"India, which has not signed the nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and does not have International Atomic Energy Agency safeguards on all of its nuclear material, exploded a 'peaceful' nuclear device in 1974, convincing the world of the need for greater restrictions on nuclear trade. The United States created the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) as a direct response to India's test, halted nuclear exports to India a few years later, and worked to convince other states to do the same. India tested nuclear weapons again in 1998. However, President Bush announced July 18, 2005, he would 'work to achieve full civil nuclear energy cooperation with India' and would 'also seek agreement from Congress to adjust U.S. laws and policies,' in the context of a broader partnership with India. [...] The NSG, at the behest of the Bush administration, agreed in September 2008 to exempt India from some of its export guidelines. That decision has effectively left decisions regarding nuclear commerce with India almost entirely up to individual governments. Since the NSG decision, India has concluded numerous nuclear cooperation agreements with foreign suppliers. However, U.S. companies have not yet started nuclear trade with India and may be reluctant to do so if New Delhi does not resolve concerns regarding its policies on liability for nuclear reactor operators and suppliers. Taking a step to resolve such concerns, India signed the Convention on Supplementary Compensation for Nuclear Damage, which has not yet entered into force, October 27, 2010. However, many observers have argued that Indian nuclear liability legislation adopted in August 2010 is inconsistent with the Convention. The Obama Administration has continued with the Bush Administration's policy regarding civil nuclear cooperation with India. According to a November 8, 2010, White House fact sheet, the United States 'intends to support India's full membership' in the NSG, as well as other multilateral export control regimes."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Kerr, Paul K.

2011-02-14
U.S. Sanctions on Burma: Issues for the 113th Congress [May 14, 2013]

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"The United States imposes sanctions on Burma through a variety of means, including certain laws and presidential executive orders (E.O.s) specifically targeting Burma, as well as laws that impose sanctions on countries for unacceptable behavior related to functional issues of importance to the U.S. government, such as nuclear proliferation or human trafficking. The Burma-specific laws and E.O.s were issued between 1990 and 2012, often in response to actions on the part of Burma's ruling military junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), that were considered sufficiently egregious to warrant the imposition of sanctions. In addition, several presidential determinations, memoranda, proclamations, and other documents have been issued that refine and/or alter the implementation of the sanctions. The result is a web of overlapping sanctions subject to differing restrictions, waiver provisions, expiration conditions, and reporting requirements."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Martin, Michael F.

2013-05-14
U.S. International Trade: Trends and Forecasts [May 13, 2011]

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"The global financial crisis, now officially dated to the 19 months from December 2007 through June 2009, caused the U.S. trade deficit to decrease from August 2008 through May 2009, but since then it has begun to increase again as recovery has commenced. The financial crisis caused U.S. imports to drop faster than U.S. exports, but that has been reversed as U.S. demand for imports recover. [...] Trade deficits are a concern for Congress because they may generate trade friction and pressures for the government to do more to open foreign markets, to shield U.S. producers from foreign competition, or to assist U.S. industries to become more competitive. Overall U.S. trade deficits reflect excess spending (a shortage of savings) in the domestic economy and a reliance on capital imports to finance that shortfall. Capital inflows serve to offset the outflow of dollars used to pay for imports. Movements in the exchange rate help to balance trade. The rising trade deficit (when not matched by capital inflows) places downward pressure on the value of the dollar, which, in turn, helps to shrink the deficit by making U.S. exports cheaper and imports more expensive. Central banks in countries such as China, however, have intervened in foreign exchange markets to keep the value of their currencies from rising too fast. The trade agenda of the 112th Congress centers on three Free Trade Agreements awaiting congressional action and trade with China. The balance on current account includes merchandise trade plus trade in services and unilateral transfers. In 2010, the deficit on current account grew to $470.2 billion from 2009's $378.4 billion and from $668.9 billion in 2008."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Nanto, Dick Kazuyuki; Donnelly, J. Michael

2011-05-13
United States-Canada Trade and Economic Relationship: Prospects and Challenges [September 14, 2011]

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"The United States and Canada conduct the world's largest bilateral trade relationship, with total merchandise trade (exports and imports) exceeding $429.7 billion in 2009. The U.S.-Canadian relationship revolves around the themes of integration and asymmetry: integration from successive trade liberalization from the U.S.-Canada Auto Pact of 1965 leading to North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and asymmetry resulting from Canadian dependence on the U.S. market and from the disparate size of the two economies. The economies of the United States and Canada are highly integrated, a process that has been accelerated by the bilateral U.S.-Canada free trade agreement (FTA) of 1988 and the NAFTA of 1994. Both are affluent industrialized economies, with similar standards of living and industrial structure. However, the two economies diverge in size, per capita income, productivity and net savings."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Fergusson, Ian F.

2011-09-14
United States-Canada Trade and Economic Relationship: Prospects and Challenges [October 13, 2006]

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"The United States and Canada conduct the world's largest bilateral trade relationship, with total merchandise trade (exports and imports) exceeding $499.3 billion in 2005. The U.S.-Canadian relationship revolves around the themes of integration and asymmetry: integration from successive trade liberalization from the U.S.-Canada Auto Pact of 1965 leading to North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and asymmetry resulting from Canadian dependence on the U.S. market and from the disparate size of the two economies. The economies of the United States and Canada are highly integrated, a process that has been accelerated by the bilateral U.S.- Canada free trade agreement (FTA) of 1988 and the NAFTA of 1994. Both are affluent industrialized economies, with similar standards of living and industrial structure. However, the two economies diverge in size, per capita income, productivity and net savings."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Fergusson, Ian F.

2006-10-13
U.S. Global Climate Change Policy: Evolving Views on Cost, Competitiveness, and Comprehensiveness [February 24, 2011]

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"The nature of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions (particularly carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions) makes their control difficult to integrate with the U.S economy and traditional U.S. energy policy. Despite the obvious interrelationship between energy policy and greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, the United States has struggled to integrate the two. For a country that has traditionally used its relatively cheap supply of energy to substitute for more expensive labor and capital costs to compete internationally, this linkage is particularly strong, as witnessed by the nation's high GHG emissions per capita. In the face of this economic reality, along with continuing scientific uncertainty, debate over a greenhouse gas (GHG) reduction program can be categorized by three inter-related Cs: Cost, Competitiveness, and Comprehensiveness. [...] Fundamental policy assumptions regarding each of the three Cs have changed between the U.S. ratification of the 1992 UNFCCC [United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change] and key events of the first decade of the 21st century--the George W. Bush Administration's 2001 decision to abandon the Kyoto Protocol process and the 2009 negotiations at Copenhagen. [...] The Copenhagen Agreement tried to preserve the twin goals of economic development and emissions reductions by allowing each nation to determine the costs it would accept; and also by establishing a mechanism by which the developed nations would provide funds for greenhouse gas reduction actions in developing nations. What remains to be seen is whether any voluntary program can successfully reduce emissions sufficiently to meet the UNFCCC goal of holding the increase in global temperatures to 2°C."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Yacobucci, Brent D.; Blodgett, John E.; Parker, Larry, 1954-

2011-02-24
U.S.-Centric Chronology of the International Climate Change Negotiations [February 8, 2011]

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"As background for congressional deliberations, this document provides a U.S.-centric chronology of international climate change policy from 1979 to 2010. This chronology identifies selected external events and major multilateral meetings that influence both the current legal and institutional arrangements, and the contentious choices about future international cooperation. Many in Congress are concerned with the merits of a treaty, or the goals and obligations one might embody. A particular concern regards parity of actions and effects on trade competitiveness among countries. Additional issues include the compatibility of any international agreement with U.S. domestic policies and laws; the adequacy of appropriations, fiscal measures, and programs to achieve any commitments under the agreement; and the desirable form of the agreement and related requirements. A new treaty would require Senate consent to ratify it and federal legislation to assure that U.S. commitments are met."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Leggett, Jane A.

2011-02-08
U.S. Direct Investment Abroad: Trends and Current Issues [May 17, 2013]

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"The United States is the largest investor abroad and the largest recipient of direct investment in the world. For some Americans, the national gains attributed to investing overseas are offset by such perceived losses as displaced U.S. workers and lower wages. Some observers believe U.S. firms invest abroad to avoid U.S. labor unions or high U.S. wages, however, 70% of U.S. foreign direct investment is concentrated in high income developed countries. Even more striking is the fact that the share of investment going to developing countries has fallen in recent years. Most economists conclude that direct investment abroad does not lead to fewer jobs or lower incomes overall for Americans and that the majority of jobs lost among U.S. manufacturing firms over the past decade reflect a broad restructuring of U.S. manufacturing industries."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Jackson, James K., 1949-

2013-05-17
Understanding China's Political System [January 31, 2013]

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"This report is designed to provide Congress with a perspective on the contemporary political system of China, the only Communist Party-led state in the G-20 grouping of major economies. China's Communist Party dominates state and society in China, is committed to maintaining a permanent monopoly on power, and is intolerant of those who question its right to rule. Nonetheless, analysts consider China's political system to be neither monolithic nor rigidly hierarchical. Jockeying among leaders and institutions representing different sets of interests is common at every level of the system. The report opens with a brief overview of China's leading political institutions. They include the Communist Party and its military, the People's Liberation Army; the State, led by the State Council, to which the Party delegates day-to-day administration of the country; and the National People's Congress (NPC), China's unicameral legislature. […] The second half of the report is devoted to detailed discussion of China's formal political structures--the Party, the military, the State, the National People's Congress, a consultative body known as the China People's Political Consultative Conference, and China's eight minor political parties, all of which are loyal to the Communist Party. Also discussed are other political actors who play a role in influencing policy debates, including the media, big business, research institutes, university academics, associations, and grassroots non-governmental organizations. The report concludes with a discussion of prospects for political reform, noting that while China's new Communist Party chief has called for everyone to be bound by the constitution and law, Party policy is to reject vigorously the notion of a multi-party system, separation of powers, a bicameral legislature, or a federal system, on the grounds that all are unsuited to China's conditions."

Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service

Lawrence, Susan V.; Martin, Michael F.

2013-01-31

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